The holiday of Kreshcheniye (Крещение) or ‘Baptism’ in Russian was traditionally celebrated by Doukhobors on January 6 (new calendar) or January 19 (old calendar) each year. Known in Western countries as Epiphany, it commemorates Jesus Christ’s baptism in the River Jordan by John the Baptist and his manifestation as the Son of God.
Scripture
Kreshcheniye is a major event described in three Gospels of the New Testament (Mathew, Mark and Luke), wherein Jesus is baptized by John the Baptist in the River Jordan, after which the Spirit of God is depicted as descending upon him accompanied by a voice from Heaven, which addresses Jesus by saying “You are my beloved Son, in whom I am pleased.”[i]
Orthodox Tradition
Since the introduction of Christianity in Russia in 988 AD, Kreshcheniye was one of the great feasts of the Orthodox Church calendar, one considered more special and holy than other days.[ii] According to Orthodox belief, it commemorates Christ’s revelation to the world as the literal Son of God, the Divine physically embodied in human flesh, God become man, during his baptism.
On the evening before the feast, Orthodox Russians traditionally attended the local church to drink holy water blessed by the priest, which according to Orthodox belief, became incorruptible and did not spoil.[iii] This kreshchenskaya voda (‘Epiphany water’) was stored by parishioners for the rest of the year. After taking water, they attended a church service marked by choral music and chanting. Afterwards, the priest would lead the procession outside the church building, carrying icons to consecrate the occasion.
Since the 16th century, it was also customary for Orthodox Russians on the eve of the feast to cut holes in the ice in rivers and lakes – dubbed Iordan (‘Jordan’) for the occasion after the Biblical river – and submerge themselves three times in the icy waters as the priest recited a prayer.[iv] The Orthodox believed this practice purified and protected them for the year ahead.
On the morning of Krescheniye, parishioners again attended the village church to take water blessed by the Orthodox priest.[v]
Doukhobor Observance in 19th Century Russia
Throughout most of the 1700s, while the Doukhobors were still living clandestinely among Orthodox Russians, they continued to outwardly celebrate Kreshcheniye in the traditional manner, attending church services and taking holy water for appearances’ sake only.
After Doukhobors openly rejected the Orthodox Church and were permitted to settle along the Molochnaya River in the Melitopol district of Tavria province from 1802 on, they ceased to celebrate most Orthodox feast days. However, local Tsarist and Orthodox authorities reported that the Melitopol Doukhobors continued to celebrate Kreshcheniye.[vi]
It may seem counterintuitive that Doukhobors continued to observe the holiday, since they rejected the sacrament of baptism as being unnecessary for the salvation of the soul,[vii] and rejected the belief that Jesus was the literal Son of God,[viii] considering this to be an artificial embellishment introduced by the Orthodox church in order to mystify and confound its followers as to his true nature. However, Doukhobors by this time had reinterpreted the holiday and imbued it with their own religious meaning and belief.
According to Doukhobor belief, Christ was born an ordinary mortal man to ordinary parents and was physically no different from other men.[ix]Kreshcheniye, to Doukhobors, symbolized when God chose to reveal Jesus to the world as his anointed one through his spiritual endowment of the divine quality of sovest’ (совесть) or ‘Reasoning Conscience’ of the highest degree.
Doukhobors understood Christ’s endowment of ‘Reasoning Conscience’ as a transformational experience of the soul that could only occur through an awakening by the Holy Spirit. Possessing extraordinary spiritual intelligence through the shift in consciousness in his soul, lucid and enlightened beyond that of his fellow men, Christ manifested the highest possible understanding of God’s Law.[x]
Since Jesus attained the highest, purest and most perfect form of ‘Reasoning Conscience’ possible for a man through his soul’s awakening of the Holy Spirit, and since ‘Reasoning Conscience’ was equated with ‘God the Son’ in the Doukhobor metaphorical sense of the Trinity, Doukhobors thus believed that Jesus was the Son of God.
Local authorities reported that the Melitopol Doukhobors observed Khreshcheniye by holding an early morning moleniye (‘prayer meeting’), by singing psalms, and by having a special meal or feast to mark the occasion.[xi] The holiday continued to be marked by the Doukhobors following their exile to the Caucasus in 1841-1845 and is expressly mentioned in their psalms from that era, Prazdniki (‘Festivals’) and Skazanie o Dvenadtsati Pyatnitsakh (the ‘Twelve Fridays’),[xii] while Christ’s baptism in the River Jordan is referenced in several others.[xiii]
Russian writer and historian Vladimir D. Bonch-Breuvich, who sailed with the Doukhobors from the Caucasus to Canada in 1899 and spent a year among them, recorded that the Doukhobors recited the following psalm during their prayer meeting to celebrate Kreshcheniye:
“К водам Иорданским, Господи, пришедша, Дух Святой на него нашедши: свыше глас глаголет: в сей день возъявленный креститься хощет сын мой возлюбленный. Гряди же, Иоанне, скоро крестити меня крещением; хощет землю просветити. Речет же Иоанн: Не смею, владыко, понеже тебя знаем Бога превелика. Как возложу руку на Господа моего? Ты еси содеял знамения многа; от тебя все трепещет, небо и земля, весь род человеченский от роду Адама, увидевший море бедствий, обратися. Тогда же Иордан-река вспять возратися, счастливые струи реки Иордана, в оной же крестился Бог от Иоанна в водах Иорданских, в струях престоящих. Иоанн, славя Бога, крещаша. Склонил свою главу предтече под руку. Мы молим тебя, блаже, не пошли нас в муку; просим тебя, Господи, всещедрого тут пекло отбыти, роду христианскому в царствие прибыти.”
“Then came the Lord to Jordan’s waters, and the Holy Spirit descended upon Him. A voice from heaven sayeth: on this day appointed by Me, my beloved Son shall accept baptism. Come, John, and baptize me speedily, for I wish to bring light to the earth. Sayeth John: I do not dare, O Lord, for we know Thee as our Almighty God. How shall I place my hand upon my Lord? Thou hast made many signs. All tremble in front of Thee, heavens and earth, all the mankind, beginning from Adam, all mankind turns to Thee, engulfed in a sea of calamity. At that moment the River Jordan overflowed, for glad were the waters of the River Jordan in which God was baptized by John in its waves. John performs the baptism, singing glory to God. He bent his head, lowering it under the Precursor’s hand. O blessed one, we beseech Thee, O Lord, do not send us to suffering. We entreat Thee, O Lord, the most generous One, to us, Christians, to go through adversities here, in order to deserve Thy Kingdom. Glory be to God.”[xiv]
According to oral tradition, 19th century Doukhobors also retained the Orthodox custom of taking ‘holy’ water, and even immersing themselves in it to some extent.[xv] However, this ‘holy’ water was not blessed by an ordained priest, but rather by the Doukhobors themselves, since they believed that any person could become a priest by carrying out Christ’s work, and could consecrate the water by making a direct connection to the Holy Spirit through prayer and spiritual practices.
Observance in Canada
As Bonch-Breuvich observed, when the Doukhobors arrived in Canada in 1899, they continued to celebrate Kreshcheniye in their customary way. Evidently, during their first several years of Prairie settlement, they held the holiday according to the old calendar (January 19th), while after 1903, they shifted the holiday to the new calendar used in Canada (January 6th).[xvi]
This practice widely continued until December 1908, when at an all-village congress of the Doukhobor Community held in Nadezhda village, Saskatchewan, Doukhobor leader Peter V. Verigin, endeavoring to modernize and simplify their worship, discarded many of the traditional rituals, psalms and feasts observed by the Doukhobors, including Kreshcheniye.[xvii] Thereafter, the holiday ceased to be officially observed by most Doukhobors in Canada.
Despite Verigin’s efforts, however, some Doukhobor families in Canada continued to observe Kreshcheniye privately amongst themselves, in small localized pockets, well into the 1950s and 1960s and beyond. Lorraine Saliken Walton, whose grandparents William M. and Laura G. Arishenkoff and William W. and Jenny S. Podovennikoff of Krestova celebrated the event well into the 1980s, describes their practice as follows:
“On January 6th, we would go at the light of dawn to the frozen Goose Creek, with a tapor (‘axe’), make a hole, they would pray and wash themselves from the ‘holy’ water… they would bring back buckets as the water was blessed. We would than say a prayer thanking God and wash our faces and hands and drink a cup the water would make us healthy, and protected by God, my baba and dedas drank the blessed water for a week…. as they got older my baba would get up at the break of dawn pray and run the tap during that time and then fill her bucket with the freshest water.”[xviii]
Garry Tarasoff, whose grandparents Fred E. and Helen Saliken of Krestova also observed Kreshcheniye, recalls, “we went to Goose Creek retrieved water and had a short moleniye on the creek shore. We washed our hands and faces in the creek and then went home and made tea with the water.”[xix] Evelyn Markin also recalls her grandfather Nick N. Perepelkin (1870-1965) of Lebahdo sitting with a jug of water drawn from the local creek at Kreshcheniye, reciting a prayer of blessing.[xx]
Observance in Russia and Post-Soviet Republics
Despite strict anti-religious policies of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics (USSR) intended to suppress religious belief and institutions, Soviet Doukhobors in the Caucasus continued to secretly observe Kreshcheniye from 1917 to 1991 in their remote localities.[xxi] Following the break-up of the USSR, many older generation Doukhobors in Georgia, Russia, Ukraine and other Post-Soviet states strove to maintain observance of the holiday according to traditional Doukhobor custom.
Raisa Ryazantseva, a Doukhobor raised in Troitskoye village, Bogdanovka region, Georgia in the 1980s and 1990s who today lives in the Kootenays of British Columbia, recalls the holiday ‘blessing of water’ during her childhood:
“After midnight, (in the early morning hours) we usually collected water from the tap or from a well (if one had one), and when we collected it, we recited Otche Nash (‘The Lord’s Prayer’). Afterwards, it was sprinkled and showered over those assembled. When I was little, I helped my mother collect water in glass jars and we stored them and used this water throughout the year, and if there was water left, we poured it under a tree or a bush, (returned it to the ground), but in no case did we pour it down the drain.”[xxii]
Daria Strukova, a Doukhobor raised in Gorelovka village, Bogdanovka region, Georgia in the 2000s and 2010s, recalls how Kreshcheniye was commemorated as follows:
“On this holiday, they would go to bow and pray at Sirotskoye (the ‘Orphans Home’). At home at night, they put out salt, bread and water on the table. They hung rushniki (“decorative folk-embroidered towels’) on the windows of the house. During the day, they celebrated with family and prepared holiday dishes. They also collected and stored the holy water.”[xxiii]
Today, however, many younger generation Doukhobors living in Post-Soviet states observe Kreshcheniye much as ordinary Orthodox Russians do, and no longer fully understand or appreciate the religious and customary differences that made the holiday distinct within Doukhobor society.
Conclusion
Today, the observance of Kreshcheniye among Doukhobors has almost waned completely. By learning about this centuries-old celebration, we can develop a better understanding of the common faith that united our Doukhobor ancestors, the customs and traditions that arose in their society and gain a deeper appreciation for their way of life.
End Notes
[i]ESV Bible, Matthew 3:13–17; Mark 1:9–11; Luke 3:21–23.
[ii] Dmitry Volodikhin, “Kak Rodilsya Prazdnik Kreshcheniya Gospodnya, Zelenye vody reki Iordan” (January 18, 2016) in Pravoslavie.ru; “6/19 Yanvarya – Kreshchenie Gospodne. Bogoyavlenie” in Russkaya Pravoslavnaya Tserkov’ Zagranitsey” mcdiocese.com; Daria Mangusheva, “O Kreshchenskoy Vode”, January 13, 2025 in https://berezkihram.org.
[xv] Vasily Slastukhin, Gorelovka, Georgia. Correspondence with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff re: Kreshcheniye, January 1, 2021.
[xvi]Swan River Star, January 9, 1901; Winnipeg Free Press, April 6, 1903.
[xvii] Minutes of Community Meeting, 1908 December 15, Nadezhda village. SFU Item No. MSC121-DB-025-002; “Letter from Peter Vasil’evich Verigin to Lev Nikolaevich Tolstoy dated Febraury 2, 1909 in Gromova-Opulskaya, Lida, Andrew Donskov and John Woodsworth, eds. Leo Tolstoy-Peter Verigin Correspondence (Ottawa, Legas: 1995) at 87-88; Letter from Ivan Evseyevich Konkin to Vladimir Dmitr’evich Bonch-Breuvich dated February 12, 1909, supra, note 8.
[xviii] Lorraine Saliken Walton. Correspondence with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff re Kreshcheniye, January 6, 2021.
[xix] Garry Tarasoff. Correspondence with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff re Kreshcheniye, January 6, 2025.
[xx] Evelyn Markin. Correspondence with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff re Kreshcheniye, January 18, 2022.
GORELOVKA, Georgia, October 12, 2024 — A 10-year-old boy proudly stands beside his father and listens to the monotone chanting of elderly women clad in embroidered headscarves and long colorful skirts. It is Ilya’s first time attending a night prayer meeting in Gorelovka, a tiny village in the South Caucasus nation of Georgia, and he is determined to follow the centuries-old hymns that have been passed down through the generations.
Women in traditional Doukhobor dresses pray at the former Orphanage house where Doukohbors have worshipped for years, on Easter in the remote mountain village of Gorelovka, Georgia, Saturday, May 4, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)
There is no priest and no iconography. It’s just men and women praying together, as the Doukhobors have done since the pacifist Christian sect emerged in Russia in the 18th century.
Thousands of their ancestors were expelled to the fringes of the Russian Empire almost two centuries ago for rejecting the Orthodox church and refusing to serve in Czar Nicholas I’s army — much like the thousands of men who fled Russia two years ago to avoid being drafted to join Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine.
Today, only about 100 Doukhobors remain in the tight-knit Russian-speaking farming community in two remote mountainous villages.
“Our people are dying,” 47-year-old Svetlana Svetlishcheva, Ilya’s mother, tells The Associated Press, as she walks with her family to an ancient cemetery.
Nina Strukova, Daria Strukova, Ilya Strukov and their mother Svetlana Svetlishcheva walk to a cemetery outside the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Saturday, May 5, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)
Prayer Never Stops
Some 5,000 Doukhobors who were banished in the middle of the 19th century established 10 villages close to the border with the hostile Ottoman Empire, where they continued to preach nonviolence and worshiped without priests or church rituals.
The community prospered, growing to around 20,000 members. When some refused to pledge allegiance to the new czar, Nicholas II, and protested by burning weapons, the authorities unleashed a violent crackdown and sent about 4,000 of them to live elsewhere in the vast Russian Empire.
Yuri Strukov, left, his son Ilya, daughters Nina and Daria, and his wife Svetlana Svetlishcheva, right, pray before a meal in their house in the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Saturday, May 5, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)
Nonviolence is the foundation of Doukhobor culture, says Yulia Mokshina, a professor at the Mordovia State University in Russia, who studies the group.
“The Doukhobors proved that without using force, you can stand up for the truth,” Mokshina says. “They fought without arms but with their truth and internal power.”
Their plight caught the attention of Russian novelist Leo Tolstoy, also a pacifist, who donated the profits from his final novel, “Resurrection,” to help around 7,500 Doukhobors emigrate to Canada to escape persecution.
And all the while, the prayers never stopped, not even when the Soviet authorities relentlessly cracked down on religious activities.
“There hasn’t been a single Sunday without prayer,” Yuri Strukov, 46, says with pride, in the village of Orlovka, where he has lived for 30 years.
Yuri Strukov, 46, milks a cow at his farm in the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Saturday, May 4, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)
A Shrinking Community
Like others in the rural community, Strukov owns cattle and produces cottage cheese, sour cream and a brined cheese called suluguni, which he sells in a nearby town. His way of life is challenging — he braves freezing temperatures during winter and droughts in the summer, and the remote village is a three-hour drive from the nearest big city — which does not appeal to many Doukhobors any longer.
“The community has changed because it became small,” Strukov says. “The fact that there are few of us leaves a heavy residue in the soul.”
Yuri Strukov, 46, milks a cow at his farm in the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Saturday, May 4, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)
In Soviet times, the Doukhobors maintained among the best collective farms in the region. But the nationalist sentiment that bubbled up in Georgia as the collapse of the Soviet Union loomed prompted many to return to Russia in the late 1980s.
“We didn’t relocate, we came back,” says 39-year-old Dmitry Zubkov, who was among the first convoy of 1,000 Doukhobors who left Gorelovka for what is now western Russia in 1989. Zubkov and his family settled in the village of Arkhangelskoye in Russia’s Tula region.
Strukov also thinks about moving.
Yuri Strukov’s house in the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Saturday, May 4, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)
After several waves of Doukhobors departed, ethnic Georgians and Armenians — Orlovka is close to the Armenian border — moved in, and he says relations between them and the ever-shrinking community of Doukhobors are tense. His four family members are the last Doukhobors living in Orlovka.
But the prayer house and his ancestors’ graves keep him from leaving.
“The whole land is soaked with the prayers, sweat and blood of our ancestors,” he says. “We always try to find the solution in different situations so we can stay here and preserve our culture, our traditions and our rites.”
Yuri Strukov, 46, his son Ilya, 10, and his daughter Daria, 21, pray at the Doukhobor cemetery outside of the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Saturday, May 4, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)
Keeping the Traditions Alive
Doukhobor rites have traditionally passed from one generation to the next by word of mouth, and Strukov’s 21-year-old daughter Daria Strukova feels the urgency to learn as much as she can from senior community members.
“I’m always worried that such a deep and interesting culture will just get lost if we don’t take it over in time,” Strukova says.
Daria Strukova takes Easter cakes off a stove in her family home in the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Saturday, May 4, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)
She says she considered converting to the Georgian Orthodox Church as a student in the Georgian capital, Tbilisi, where that faith wields great influence. But her doubts were dispelled as she listened to a Doukhobor choir during a prayer meeting.
“I realized that this is what I missed, this is what I couldn’t find anywhere,” she says. “I know now that the Doukhobor faith will always be with me till the end of my life.”
Daria Strukova, right, helps her sister Nina Strukova, left, put on a traditional Doukhobor dress in the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Sunday, May 5, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)
Zubkov says Strukova’s wavering faith is not unusual among Doukhobors in Russia. Once they assimilate into Russian society, experience big cities, speak the same language and share traditions with the locals, of course they will be tempted by the predominant religion.
“People didn’t want to stand out,” he says. “Unfortunately, we have been assimilating very fast.”
Around 750 Doukhobors settled in Arkhangelskoye more than 30 years ago. Now, only a few elderly women attend Sunday prayers, and only a couple of Doukhobors sing traditional anthems at funerals.
Zubkov predicts that within a decade the culture will disappear from Arkhangelskoye altogether.
Yuri Strukov, second left, his son Ilya, left, and his daughters Daria and Nina in traditional Doukhobor dresses embrace each other after Easter prayer at the former Orphanage house where Doukhobors have worshipped for years, in the remote mountain village of Gorelovka, Georgia, Saturday, May 4, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)
Enduring Faith
The Doukhobors whose families started anew in Canada more than a century ago don’t feel a strong connection to the villages that are sacred for the Strukov family. They say what is important is their faith and the pacifist principles that underscore it.
“We do not hold any specific place and historical places … in some kind of spiritual significance,” said John J. Verigin Jr., who leads the largest Doukhobor organization in Canada. “What we try to sustain in our organization is our dedication to those fundamental principles of our life concept.”
But Ilya, in Gorelovka, is comforted by the knowledge that his community, culture and faith are rooted in a place established by his ancestors.
“I see myself a tall grown-up going to the prayers every day in Doukhobor clothes,” Ilya said. “I will love coming here, I love it now too.”
Ilya Strukov, 10, kisses a tombstone on a grave of his Doukhobor ancestors at a cemetery outside of the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Sunday, May 5, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)A cat looks out of a window of a cowshed at Yuri Strukov’s farm in the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Saturday, May 4, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)Svetlana Svetlishcheva, left, and her daughter Nina Strukova, right, talk as they cook dinner in their house in the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Sunday, May 5, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)Svetlana Svetlishcheva feeds the cattle alongside her husband Yuri Strukov at their farm in the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Saturday, May 4, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)Daria Strukova Lays out traditional Doukhobor dresses in her family home in the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Sunday, May 5, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)Yuri Strukov, second left, and his son Ilya, left, pray at the former Orphanage house where Doukhobors have worshipped for years, on Easter in the remote mountain village of Gorelovka, Georgia, Saturday, May 4, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)Ilya Strukov, 10, looks on in the kitchen as his family cooks dinner in their house in the remote mountain village of Orlovka, Georgia, Sunday, May 5, 2024. (AP Photo/Kostya Manenkov)
Although best known for orchard-growing, the historic Doukhobor colony at Grand Forks, BC also grew large quantities of vegetables. Leading among these were potatoes, which they produced not only for their own consumption and seed reserves, but also for marketing the surplus. And by all accounts, they had a record bumper crop of spuds in 1911!
Introduction
The Doukhobors first arrived in Grand Forks in 1909, attracted by the climate, topography, soil and possibilities of large-scale produce growing. Within two years, they had acquired 3,440 acres (1,392 ha) of ranchland west of the city,[1] on which 520 Doukhobor men, women and children from Saskatchewan were settled in communal villages and engaged in land-clearing and setting out orchards and gardens.[2]
By 1911, the Russian-speaking agriculturalists had planted 593 acres (240 ha) in fruit trees and hundreds more acres in vegetables, making them (by far) the largest produce grower in the Kettle Valley.[3] They gained recognition from neighbouring growers, some grudgingly, who spoke favorably of their hard work ethic and progressive methods of cultivation,[4] and who adjudged their orchard and garden operations “the cleanest, the best-kept and the heaviest cropped of any district.”[5] These sentiments were reflective, as much as anything, of their potato-growing.
Early Ohio potatoes, a high-yielding variety widely cultivated by Doukhobors at Grand Forks in 1911.
Role of Potato in Doukhobor Diet
Potatoes – in Russian kartoshka – had long been a staple crop of the Doukhobors, who grew them for their own use and for sale since the 1840s.[6] Hardy and easy to grow in a variety of environmental conditions, the nutrient-rich root vegetable was a customary – nay, essential – part of their vegetarian diet.[7] The extent to which Doukhobors included potatoes in their daily menu can be gleaned from Beulah Clarke, a schoolteacher who lived among them in BC at this time:
“Breakfast – Excellent bread, butter, a glass of milk, soup made of potatoes, onions, butter and a grain something like oatmeal. Potatoes and onions fried in butter. Baked apple or preserves. Dinner – Bread, butter, milk, vegetable soup. Beans, peas and cabbages boiled together. Pancakes, made very thin and usually without baking-powder. Melted butter is poured over them and I ate them either with sugar or jam. Supper – Bread, butter, milk, ‘lapshe’. This is made from flour and water. It is rolled very thin and then shredded and put into boiling water; butter is added, and very often there are small pieces of potato with it. Preserves, turn-overs; these are made from bread-dough, rolled very thin. Mashed potatoes are put in some, and rhubarb and sugar in others. They were put in the frying-pan and baked in a brick oven.”[8]
Potato Cropping
Regarding the type of potato grown by the Doukhobors, the Grand Forks Gazette reported in 1911 that the local colony planted the ‘Early Ohio’,[9] a popular, early-maturing variety known for its light brown skin and creamy white flesh, which made it excellent for baking, boiling and frying. The original seed stock was more than likely sourced from the local Riverside Nurseries.[10]
Based on district average crop yields per acre, it is estimated the Doukhobors planted 96 acres (39 ha) of land in potatoes at the west end of the valley in 1911.[11] Photographs reveal that much of this acreage was intensively double-cropped, with potatoes grown between rows of young fruit trees in their orchards.[12] Village garden plots, road allowances, and marginal, rugged lands made up the rest of their potato acreage. Through these various methods of cultivation, the Doukhobors maximized the use of their land, which had enormous pay-offs in terms of production, self-sufficiency and surplus.
View of Doukhobor apple orchard from Hardy Mountain facing east towards Observation Mountain in 1912 showing about 25 acres double-cropped with potatoes. To the north/left can be seen Village No. 2 (later London Village) and to the south/right, Village No. 3 (later Vanjoff Village). BC Archives GR-0793.5.
Consumption & Seed Stock
In terms of self-sufficiency, the first priority of the Grand Forks colony was setting aside enough of their potato crop as they required for their own consumption over the upcoming year. If we presume a minimum subsistence amount of 200 lbs. (90 kg) of potatoes per person per year,[13] then the Doukhobors retained an estimated 104,000 lbs. (46 imperial/metric tons) of potatoes for this purpose in 1911, based on their census population that year.
These were placed in hundred-pound gunny sacks and stored in communal storehouses and root cellars, which kept them from freezing during the winter and kept them cool during the following summer without waste or spoilage. They were then distributed to families, as needed, for use in traditional Doukhobor dishes such as those mentioned above as well as baked potatoes, borshch, a vegetable soup, holushki, a potato dumpling soup, kartoshnik, a baked potato cake, and as filling in vareniki, a form of dumplings.
The Doukhobors also set aside enough of their potato crop as they required for use as seed stock for the following spring. If we presume that 10 percent of their crop was used for this purpose,[14] then the Grand Forks colony reserved an estimated 175,600 lbs. (78 imperial/metric tons) of seed potatoes in 1911.
Once they ensured their own needs were met for the coming year, the Doukhobors set about marketing the surplus of their potato crop.
Surplus
Records indicate that following their 1911 potato harvest, the Doukhobors sold a staggering 8,000 sacks (800,000 lbs. or 357 imperial/metric tons) of potatoes.[15] These were pedaled by the wagonload throughout the Kettle Valley and at Phoenix, where they found a ready market among the miners, smeltermen and sawmill workers living there, who paid competitive prices for the fresh, tasty tubers.
View of another Doukhobor apple orchard facing north towards Hardy Mountain in 1912, showing another approx. 25 acres double-cropped with potatoes. The Hardy Place (after 1919, Village No. 1 and later, Koochin Village) can be seen in the distance. BC Archives GR-0793.5.
Marketing their surplus potatoes at a reported $16.00 to $25.00 a ton,[16] the colony earned approximately $10,000.00 ($275,000.00 in today’s dollars) in 1911. This was in addition to the sale of other surplus vegetable crops such as cabbages, tomatoes, onions, carrots and cucumbers that year. These produce sales were a vitally important source of revenue for the Doukhobors, particularly at a time when most of their orchards were still years away from coming into full bearing.
Based on their estimated consumptive and seed stock needs and their known surplus, the Doukhobors at Grand Forks grew an estimated total of 481 tons of potatoes in 1911. And if the volume they grew that year was impressive, so was their size and quality.
Size and Quality
On September 16, 1911, the Grand Forks Gazette reported that the Doukhobor colony had grown an enormous potato measuring two feet (0.6m) in circumference that season.[17] The newspaper outlet triumphantly displayed the stupendous spud in its office windows as “another evidence of the possibilities of the soil of Grand Forks district” to the amazement and delight of passers-by.[18]
While the weight of this stunning specimen was not reported by the Gazette, a conservative estimate would be 20 lbs. (11 kg) based on its circumference. If so, it would have easily eclipsed the ‘world’s largest potato’ as recorded by the Guinness Book of World Records, being a mere 10 lb. 14 oz. spud grown in England in 2011![19]
September 16, 1911 Grand Forks Gazette editorial publicizing giant Doukhobor-grown potato.
Later that month, the Doukhobors were among 2,000 exhibitors at the second-annual fall fair of the Grand Forks Agricultural and Poultry Associations, held on September 29 and 30, 1911. Evaluated by a panel of judges based on written published criteria, the Doukhobor displays took home several prizes.[20] Among these were their potatoes, which received first prize ($1.00) for ‘Largest’ based on weight, and second prize (50 cents) for ‘Ohio Early’ based on quality, color, size, uniformity, condition and freedom from blemish and pack.[21] These prize-winning exhibits proved to be a tremendous opportunity to showcase the Doukhobors’ produce-growing expertise to the Grand Forks public.
Conclusion
As has been briefly outlined here, the Doukhobors at Grand Forks grew a record potato crop in 1911, in terms of volume, size and quality, for which they received considerable public attention. This was part of a wider recognition of their rapid success, through their industry, communal organization and progressive agricultural methods, to develop mountain valley wilderness into productive agricultural land. In that year, and the years that followed, they demonstrated the possibilities of the Grand Forks district for large-scale, intensive fruit and vegetable growing.
End Notes
[1] These acquisitions included the 900-acre Coryell Ranch in February 1909; 320-acre Newby Ranch in March 1909; 1,200-acre Vaughan Ranch in November 1909; 480-acre Macey Ranch in May 1910; 60-acre Collins Orchard in July 1910; 160-acre Hoffman Ranch in April 1911; and 320-acre Pettijohn Ranch in April 1911. By September 1912, Doukhobor Society landholdings in the Kettle Valley increased to 4,182 acres.
[3] According to a crop census taken by local orchardist W.A. Cooper in June 1911, the Doukhobor Society was the largest fruit-grower in the Kettle Valley with 400 acres planted: Grand Forks Sun, June 2, 1911. Based on crop statistics gathered five months later by W.J. Bonavia, Crop and Labour Commissioner of the B.C. Department of Agriculture, the Doukhobors had become the largest fruit-grower throughout the Boundary Region with 593 acres planted, and second only to the Coldstream Ranch at Vernon (with 650 acres planted) in the combined Okanagan-Boundary Region: W.J. Bonavia, Crops and Labour Commissioner, “Orchard Survey in Okanagan and Boundary” in Twenty-Second Annual Report of the B.C. Fruit-Growers’ Association for the Year Ending December 31, 1911 (Government of the Province of British Columbia, Victoria BC: 1912) at 22.
[4]Royal Commission on Matters Relating to the Sect of Doukhobors in the Province of British Columbia, Transcript of Proceedings, Vol. 1: Honsberger, J.D. at 197-207; Traill, Walter J.S. at 207-208; Ross, W.T. at 214-215; Kirby, F.M. at 231-239; Powers, T.R. at 268-272; Collins, A.W. at 276-279; Herrick, E. at 301-306; Magitt, C. at 307-309.
[5] W. Blakemore, Report of Royal Commission on Matters Relating to the Sect of Doukhobors in the Province of British Columbia, 1912 (Victoria BC: King’s Printer, 1913) at 31.
[6] Potatoes were first brought to Russia by Peter the Great in 1698, however, they were not widely cultivated until the 1840s: N. Ries, “Potato Ontology: Surviving Postsocialism in Russia” in Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 24, No. 2, at 181-212. Doukhobors in Russia were early adopters of the potato, having been introduced to them by their Mennonite neighbours in the Molochnaya region: see J.R. Staples, Cross-Cultural Encounters on the Ukrainian Steppe: Settling the Molochna Basin, 1783-1861 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003) at 121, 145-146; Transformation on the Southern Ukrainian Steppe: Letters and Papers of Johann Cornies, Volume II: 1836–1842, H.L. Dyck & J.R. Staples (eds.) (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2020) at 394, 466-467, 492, 552-553. By 1841-1842, each Doukhobor village in the Melitopol district grew a potato plot at least one desiatina (2.7 acres or 1.09 ha) in size: ibid at 341, 533. By the second half of the 19th century, potatoes were a staple agricultural crop of Doukhobors in the Caucasus, who grew large volumes for their own consumption and for sale: Vassili Verestchagin: Painter-Soldier-Traveller, Autobiographical Sketches” (F. H. Peters, trans., London: R. Bentley & Son, 1887; Russkago Geograficheskago Obshchestva, Zapiski Kavkazskago Otdela, Vol. 18 (Tiflis: Tipografiya Gruzinskago Izdatel’skago Tovarishchestva, 1896) at 331; I. Dzhashi, “Obshchestvo Slavyanskoe, Elisavetpolskoy Gub.” in Sbornik materialov dlya opisaniya mestnostei i plemen Kavkaza, Vol. 27 (Ripol Klasik, 1900) at 12, 17, 25; S. Khomiakov, Dukhobory (Knigoizd-vo Delo, 1912) at 142; N. Breyfogle, Heretics and Colonizers: Forging Russia’s Empire in the South Caucasus (Cornell University Press, 2011) at 108, 114, 140, 208.
[7] Potatoes played an especially important role in the Doukhobor diet since, besides containing a variety of nutrients and minerals, the skins and flesh offered iron and zinc, two of the greatest deficiencies in a vegetarian diet: Potatoes in a Vegetarian Diet: https://lovepotatoes.co.uk/health/potatoes-in-a-vegetarian-diet/.
[8] Blakemore, supra, note 5 at 55. Note Clarke taught at the short-lived Brilliant school held in the Belyi Dom at Dolina Utesheniya (Ootischenia) in 1912.
[10] Although there is no record of seed stock purchases, Grand Forks Doukhobors purchased their nursery stock almost exclusively from the local Riverside Nurseries: Grand Forks Sun, September 4, 1908, March 13, 1909; Winnipeg Free Press, April 25, 1911. The nursery is known to have stocked ‘Early Ohio’ potato seed: Grand Forks Gazette, May 10, 1902.
[11] According to crop statistics gathered by W.J. Bonavia, Crop and Labour Commissioner of the B.C. Department of Agriculture in November 1911, the average potato crop in the Grand Forks district was 4 ½ to 5 tons per acre: Grand Forks Gazette, November 18, 1911. Therefore, as the Grand Forks harvested some 481 tons of potatoes that year, the estimated land area base to grow them was 95 acres (481 tons / 5 tons per acre).
[12] See for example: “A Bird’s Eye View of the settlement at Grand Forks, B.C. This view embraces about 1000 acres, and represents the result of about 3 years’ work.”, BC Archives, GR-0793.5; “Community Property, Grand Forks, B.C.”, BC Archives, C-01718. The practice of double-cropping, whereby small fruit and vegetables were grown between young fruit trees, enabled the Doukhobors to use the same land to produce more than one crop a year. This significantly increase the productivity and revenue potential of the land.
[13] This is probably a low estimate, given the prominence of the potato in the Doukhobor diet, and given that during the same period, the average consumption of potatoes per capita in the United States was 226 lbs.: G.H. Holmes, Potatoes: Acreage, Production, Foreign Trade, Supply, and Consumption (U.S. Department of Agriculture, 1918) at 15; and in Russia, 370 lbs.: H.S. Sherman, “The Food Supply in Russia” in Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 33, No. 2 (June 1918) at 221.
[14] Generally speaking, farmers in the 1910s retained about 10 percent of their potato crop for seed: see for example Holmes, ibid, at 16.
[15] T.R. Powers, supra, note 4 at 269. Note other Grand Forks growers complained that the enormous supply of Doukhobor potatoes in 1911 glutted the local market, lowered the price per ton from $25.00 to $16.00, and resulted in substantial wastage among them. These complaints were a precipitating factor in the establishment of the Royal Commission on Matters Relating to the Sect of Doukhobors in the Province of British Columbia in 1912.
[19] According to the Guinness Book of World Records, the world’s largest potato was grown by Peter Glazebrook and was weighed at 4.98 kg (10 lb. 15 oz.) at the National Gardening Show at the Royal Bath & West Showground in Shepton Mallet, Somerset, England on 4 September 2011: www.guinnessworldrecords.com.
[20] The Doukhobor colony won a number of prizes at the 1911 Grand Forks fall fair including Grapes – Best Collection (1st prize), Potatoes – Largest (1st prize), Potatoes – Ohio Early (2nd prize), Pumpkins – Largest (2nd prize), Watermelons (1st prize) and Musk Melons (1st prize): Grand Forks Sun, October 6, 1911; Grand Forks Gazette, October 7, 1911. Note this was the only year on record of the Doukhobor colony having entered exhibits at the fall fair.
While Doukhobor brickmaking in Grand Forks is historically well known, few today would associate this enterprise with Ootischenia, BC. Yet for a fleeting period, the Doukhobor Society established a communal brickyard at the confluence of the Kootenay and Columbia Rivers. This article pieces together the little-known and largely-forgotten story of the Doukhobor brickyard at Ootischenia.
A Promising Site
In 1910 or early 1911, while communally clearing the heavily-forested north end of Dolina Utesheniya (Ootischenia) along the Kootenay River for orchard-planting, members of the Doukhobor Society laid bare what was reported in the March 30, 1912 Vancouver Sun to be an “extensive” clay deposit.[1]
According to oral tradition, the clay pit was located some several hundred yards southwest of where the Doukhobors planned to build their suspension bridge across the river in 1912-13.[2] Evidently, it was a promising site for the development of a brickyard similar to those established by the Doukhobor Society elsewhere at Thunderhill in 1903, at Veregin in 1904, at Yorkton, SK in 1907, and at Grand Forks in 1909.
The north end of Ootischenia on the Kootenay River, September 1912. Known in Russian as Kamennoye (‘stoney place’), it was the site of numerous Doukhobor communal enterprises. The brickyard was located several hundred yards southwest (right) of this image. BC Archives, GR-0793.5.
First, it appeared to have had a sufficient quantity of clay, easily accessible with horse and scraper, to last many years. Second, it was located close to a fuel source for running the machinery and firing the bricks; namely, wood from the main and upper benches of Dolina Utesheniya. Third, for distribution purposes, it was located a short distance from the CPR Slocan-Robson branch; albeit across the river. This would be mitigated by the planned suspension bridge.
The main stated objective of the Doukhobor Society in developing the clay pit, as reported in The Province in March 16, 1912, was to produce brick for veneering their doms (‘homes’) in Dolina Utesheniya and neighbouring settlements.[3] In addition to brick manufacture, the Society intended, according to the March 30, 1912 Vancouver Sun, to develop a large plant for the production of clay drain and tile for drainage and plumbing systems.[4]
Interestingly, the Doukhobors had already developed several other communal enterprises along that river shore which they called Kamennoye (‘Stoney Place’). These included a sawmill in 1911, planer mill in 1912 and an irrigation pumping plant in 1912. Other planned enterprises included a grist mill and linseed oil plant (established 1914) and a wood-stave pipe factory (established 1915).
Development of Brickyard
According to 1912 Doukhobor Society financial records, in the fall of 1911, the Society purchased a brick-making machine and had it shipped to Brilliant at a cost of $1,283.00.[5] It was almost certainly a ‘Martin’ model brick machine, manufactured by the Henry Martin Brick Machine Manufacturing Company at Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Powered by steam and having a production capacity of 50,000 bricks a day, this was the same machine used by the Doukhobors at all their other brickyards.
Advertisement for the Style “A” Martin Brick Machine used by the Doukhobor Community. The Clay-Worker, Vol. 51, No. 3, March 1909.
Accordingly, over the next six months, from the fall of 1911 to spring of 1912, the Doukhobors at Dolina Utesheniya developed a brickyard adjacent to the clay pit. This would have included: an engine house in which a steam engine provided motive power for the machinery; a brick plant housing the brick-making machine; a large, open-sided drying shed; and a conveyor system between the brick plant and drying shed.
On March 16, 1912, The Province reported the brickyard to be “recently started” and either producing, or ready to produce, brick.[6]
Brick-Making Process
Brick manufacture at Dolina Utesheniya would have followed substantially the same process as at other Doukhobor brickyards.
Using horses and scrapers, Doukhobor workmen excavated clay from the pit, then transferred it into dumpcarts. The loaded dumpcarts were then drawn by horses up an elevated ramp and the clay dumped into a large hopper bin. Proportionate loads of sand were also dumped in the hopper. In the hopper, the clay-sand mixture was automatically mixed up, an automatic sprinkler supplying the water. The slurry mixture was then pressed by the Martin brick-making machine into moulds, six bricks at a time.
The ‘wet’ bricks were then placed on palettes and these were placed on a wire cable conveyor and carried into the large drying shed, where men were stationed at different points to lift them onto wheelbarrows, and wheel them to racks where they were placed to dry for up to ten days.
When the bricks became sufficiently dry, the men removed them from the drying racks and placed them again upon the cable conveyor, where they were taken out through the end of the shed. There, they were stacked into scove kilns, consisting of up to 200,000 bricks each, with wood ovens built into the stacks, and fired steadily for ten days. After firing, the bricks were ready for use.
It would seem, however, that the Doukhobors never fired more than their first or second kiln of bricks at their new yard.
Closure
According to oral tradition, for reasons no longer remembered, the brickyard at Dolina Utesheniya abruptly closed soon after opening.[7] Indeed, no mention of it is made in any newspaper or book subsequent to March 1912. Even William Blakemore’s Report of Royal Commission on Doukhobors, where a thorough report of the Doukhobor Society’s industrial enterprises (as of September 1912) at Dolina Utesheniya is presented, is silent about any brickyard save for that at Grand Forks.[8]
In all probability, the reason was that the clay proved unsuitable for brick-making. This might have been because it had a low plasticity (malleability), it contained other rock types (siltstone, sandstone) or impurities (gypsum, carbon), or it did not vitrify (fuse into hard, non-permeable material) at a low temperature. The end result, in any case, was that the brick cracked or bloated when fired in the kilns, making them unusable. This deficiency would have been evident to the Doukhobors upon their first firings.
Consequently, despite much effort and promise, the brickyard at Dolina Utesheniya appears to have been abandoned shortly after March 1912, almost as soon as it began.
Redeployment of Machinery
So what became of the Martin machine and other specialized brick-making equipment after the brickyard was abandoned? It was almost certainly redeployed rather than salvaged or sold. What is more, we have a very good idea where it likely went.
In the summer of 1912, the Doukhobor Society purchased the 150-acre Blaney Ranch in the Slocan Valley near Winlaw.[9] The ranch contained a clay quarry, and by September 1913, the Society was developing it as another brickyard.[10] Over the next several years, brick was manufactured there by the Doukhobors, using a Martin brick-making machine.
Doukhobors pose in front of a Martin Brick Machine at their Slocan Valley brickyard, 1914. BC Archives Item E-00716.
Evidently, within months of the abandonment of the brickyard at Dolina Utesheniya, the brick-making equipment was shipped by rail up the Slocan Valley to the new brickyard where it redeployed and reused.
Conclusion
While short-lived, the brickyard at Dolina Utesheniya underscored the Doukhobors’ communal and enterprising spirit and their determination to utilize their landholdings to its greatest potential. The Doukhobor Society (after 1917, the Christian Community of Universal Brotherhood) continued to manufacture brick for domestic use and commercial sale at several locations until the mid-1930s.
After Word
Special thanks to Ellie and Michael Davidoff, Marion Demosky, Tim Harshenin, Sam Wishloff, Bill Maloff, Ev and Lawrence Voykin, Frances and Mike Kanigan, Wendy Voykin, Mike Semenoff, Elsie Nevakshonoff.
This article was originally published in the following newspapers and periodicals:
ISKRA No. 2193, December 2023 (Grand Forks: Union of Spiritual Communities of Christ); and
[1]Vancouver Sun, March 30, 1912. The newspaper refers to the clay deposit as being in “Brilliant”. At this time, Dolina Utesheniya was considered part of “Brilliant” and the Brilliant Flats were not yet purchased by the Doukhobor Society.
[2] According to oral tradition, the brickyard was located at Kamennoye, an area at the north end of Ootischenia along the Kootenay River, directly across from Brilliant: Ellie and Michael Davidoff, interview with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff, November 15, 2023; Marion Demosky, interview with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff, November 16, 2023; Ev and Lawrence Voykin, interview with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff, November 17, 2023; Frances and Mike Kanigan, interview with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff, November 20, 2023. Elsie Nevakshonoff, interview with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff, November 25, 2023.
[3]The Province, March 16, 1912. The newspaper also refers to the brickworks as being in “Brilliant”. See comments under Note 1.
[5]Report about incomes and expenditures for relocation to Columbia and payment in part for lands for 1911 year and for the period from the beginning of 1912 up to August 10, 1912, Simon Fraser University, Doukhobor Collection, Item No. MSC121-DB-052-006. Note that the Doukhobor Society had already previously shipped a brick-making machine to Fruktovoye in Grand Forks in 1909: Grand Forks Gazette, March 18, 1909.
[8] W. Blakemore, Report of Royal Commission on Matters Relating to the Sect of Doukhobors in the Province of British Columbia, 1912 (Victoria: Legislative Assembly of British Columbia, 1913) at 62.
[10] By September 1913, the Doukhobor Society successfully applied to the CPR to extend a rail spur from its Slocan Lake Branch onto the Blaney Ranch, which the Doukhobors renamed Kirpichnoye (of ‘brick’): The Canadian Engineer, September 18, 1913.
During the first two and a half decades of Doukhobor life in Western Canada, Peter Vasil’evich (Lordly) Verigin (1859-1924) spent much of his time travelling between their settlements on Community business. His chief means of local conveyance were horse-drawn carriages, carts and sleighs, dutifully maintained by his followers at key stopping points. But whatever became of them? Remarkably, several of these vehicles still exist today, over a century later. The following article traces their subsequent history and fate to the present day.
Background
In the first decades of the 20th century, horses provided the primary means of transportation in Western Canada. A single horse could pull a wheeled vehicle and contents weighing as much as a ton. At a walk, a horse-drawn vehicle travelled approximately two to four miles per hour; at a trot, the speed was around eight to 10 miles per hour; horses rarely cantered or galloped with a vehicle.
This mode of transportation was not without limitations. Horses required large quantities of feed and water. Their range of travel when drawing a vehicle was between 10-20 miles per day, depending on the terrain, weather, horse and weight of vehicle. In many rural areas, there were still few roads except for rough, uneven trails, which were often impassible when wet.
When the Doukhobors first arrived on the Canadian Prairies in 1899, they had few horses and wagons, forcing some Doukhobors to carry heavy supplies on their backs over long distances by foot, and others to hitch themselves to wagons and plows, as human draft animals.[1] Following the arrival of their leader Peter V. Verigin in Canada in December 1902, the Doukhobors communally pooled their earnings to acquire much needed horses and vehicles.
Under Verigin’s management, in 1903, the Community purchased 404 horses, 16 wagons, 152 sleighs, as well as two cutters (lightweight, open sleighs holding one or two people) likely for the leader’s personal use.[2] And in 1905, the Community purchased another 30 wagons, 41 sleighs, as well as two buggies probably for Verigin’s personal use.[3] Bulk purchases of horses and horse-drawn vehicles continued thereafter.
Peter V. Verigin stands behind a Roadster buggy at Otradnoye village, SK, c. 1905. Ivan F. Makhortoff, seated, waits to pass Verigin the reigns. BC Archives Item No. C-01582.
Peter V. Verigin spent much of his time travelling between Doukhobor settlements on Community business, visiting with villagers, and inspecting their progress on various endeavors. His preferred means of conveyance was a horse-drawn carriage – a four or two-wheeled vehicle which was lighter and more maneuverable than a wagon and capable of greater speed and efficiency. The distance between Doukhobor settlements made effective transportation essential to managing the Community.
A skilled horseman, Verigin most often drove the carriage himself, typically with a spirited team at breakneck pace! A sense of his energetic driving style can be gleaned from the comments of Nelson, BC realtor Charles F. McHardy, who wrote in 1911:
“We were met at the Kootenay river ferry by Mr. Veregin’s driving team and had one of the swiftest drives we ever had, Mr. Veregin himself driving. I like fast horses but freely admit that I cannot drive as he does. We certainly had to hang on when rounding the curves. He made a point of commenting on my providing him with a quiet horse to ride. I regretted that I had not given him a bucking horse that I thought too bad to take along.”[4]
From time to time and place to place, various types of carriages, carts and sleighs were acquired by the Community for Verigin’s exclusive use. Those which have been documented include the following:
Democrat or Buckboard – a light, four-wheel, flat-bed open carriage with no sideboards or top, leaf spring suspension and with one or two seats, usually drawn by one or two horses;
Phaeton – a sporty open four-wheel carriage with a very light-sprung body atop a curved frame with four extravagantly large wheels, pulled by one or two horses;
Buggy or Roadster – a light, four-wheel, one-seat carriage with low sides, side-spring suspension and a folding top, usually drawn by one or two horses;
Brougham or Rockaway – a light, four-wheel carriage with one passenger seat in an enclosed body with two doors, and a box seat in front for the driver, leaf spring suspension, drawn by two to four horses;
Barouche – a large, heavy, four-wheeled carriage with low sides, a back seat and front box seat for the driver and collapsible half-hood for passengers, curved frame, leaf spring suspension, pulled by one or two horses;
Gig or Chaise – a light, two-wheeled, one-seat cart with side-spring suspension, usually driven by one horse;
Cutter – a light, open sleigh with a single set of runners and a single seat that held two people, drawn by one horse; and
Bobsleigh – an open sleigh with two seats that held up to four people, with dual sets of runners for easier maneuverability, pulled by one or two horses.
His horse and carriage outfits were kept in Community stables and sheds at major centres of Doukhobor settlement: Verigin and Kylemore in Saskatchewan, Cowley and Lundbreck in Alberta and Brilliant and Grand Forks in British Columbia, as well as at commercial centres such as Yorkton, SK, Nelson and Trail, BC where Verigin had stopping houses. They were maintained by Community members in pristine shape so as to be ready for use upon a moment’s notice. The fine state of these outfits often drew attention from bystanders, as attested by the following excerpt from the June 8, 1911 Yorkton Enterprise:
“Peter Verigin drove into Yorkton in state on Monday evening. His conveyance was a three-seated democrat driven by four horses, the two back seats being occupied by a number of young women. His drive through the town excited a great deal of interest.”
Peter V. Verigin seated in a Democrat carriage in Fruktovoye west of Grand Forks BC, 1912. BC Archives Item No. GR-197904-015.
After Peter V. Verigin’s death in October 1924, these vehicles were sometimes used by his son and successor Peter P. (Chistyakov) Verigin (1881-1939) following his arrival in Canada in September 1927. However, by then, the automobile had largely supplanted horsepower as the preferred mode of transportation.
During the bankruptcy of the Christian Community of Universal Brotherhood, Ltd. in 1936 and its subsequent foreclosure in 1937-38, many of Peter V. Verigin’s carriages, carts and sleighs – like other community assets – were presumably liquidated at fire sale prices. Others were likely destroyed by arson.[5] Remarkably, however, at least seven of them have survived and are now part of museum and private collections. These are detailed below.
Brougham (Rockaway) Carriage – Khutor village, SK
At the Community settlement in Veregin, Michael N. Chernoff (1892-1966) was the official in charge of providing and managing local transportation for Peter V. Verigin from 1912 to 1924.[6] To this end, a fleet of special carriages were always at Verigin’s call whenever needed. These were stored at the Community implement sheds at Veregin and at Khutor village, 2½ miles to the east, where the Community horse herd was kept.[7]
One such carriage that remained at Khutor following the demise of the Community was a Brougham or Rockaway type (manufacturer unknown). Reputedly, it was given to Peter V. Verigin by Canadian government officials as a gesture of good will, shortly after his arrival in Canada in 1902.[8] It can be described as follows:
Body: grey painted body and cab with red and yellow trim;
Seats: open driver’s seat and enclosed interior passenger seat;
Cab: royal blue mohair interior upholstery (inside along doors as well) and a dark blue satin ceiling, with six beveled-edge windows (one in back, two on either side), with a partition between the driver’s seat and passengers cab which can be raised or lowered;
Headlamps: gas headlamps on either side with square-shaped bevel glass panel on front and outer sides;
Wheels: four rubber-rimmed, red wooden-spoked wheels; and
Misc: front dashboard; mud guards over the footsteps, double eveners to be attached to four horses.[9]
Peter V. Verigin’s Rockaway coach on display at the Western Development Museum in Saskatoon, SK as featured in The Beaver magazine, December 1951. BC Archives Item No. C-01640.
Following the breakup of Khutor village in 1938, the Brougham came into the possession of Wasyl A. Chernoff (1909-1995), who kept it covered in a shed and maintained in very good condition.[10] From time to time, Chernoff drove the carriage in community parades and special events in Veregin and Kamsack.[11]
In 1949, Chernoff donated the carriage to the Western Development Museum (WDM), formed the same year, where it was initially exhibited at the Saskatoon branch. When viewed there during a September 1951 museum fundraising drive, then-Lakeview Member of Parliament and future Prime Minister of Canada John Diefenbaker was moved to comment: “It fascinates me. For instance, Peter Verigin’s carriage. I saw him driving in that carriage when I was a boy.”[12] In December 1951, it was featured in The Beaver magazine, which described it as “of beautiful craftsmanship, and one of the most interesting exhibits on display in Saskatoon.”[13]
In May 1949 and again in April 1955, the WDM showed the Brougham at the annual Saskatoon Light Horse Show, where it was driven around the ring at the Saskatoon Exhibition Stadium.[14] In June 1955, it was featured in the provincial jubilee parade held in Kamsack, attended by 12,000 people.[15] And in July 1969, it was one of two carriages displayed by the WDM at the commemoration of the 70th anniversary of the Doukhobors in Canada, held at Veregin.[16]
In the 1970s, the carriage was transferred to the WDM Yorkton branch, where it was exhibited on display. In July 1987, through the efforts of George Legebokoff (1921-1995) of Burnaby and Harry Shukin (1928-2005) of Kamsack, the WDM agreed to loan it to the National Doukhobor Heritage Village in Veregin, where it remains on display to the present in the administration building.[17]
The carriage remains overall in very good condition; a paint job would give a virtually like-new appearance.
Peter V. Verigin’s Rockaway carriage as it appears today in the National Doukhobor Heritage Village at Veregin, SK. Western Development Museum Item No. 1973-Y-459.
Democrat (Buckboard) Carriage – Veregin, SK
Another carriage that survived the break-up of the Community in Veregin was a Democrat or Buckboard type manufactured by Deere & Co. in Winnipeg. Its description is:
Body: black painted body with no top;
Seats: two seats with tufted leather upholstery, both seat cushions removable, the front one covers a small storage compartment, the high rear seat back consists of an upholstered rectangular portion mounted above evenly spaced wood spindles or dowels which extend around sides of seats, flat curved leather armrests on either side of seat, and a leather flap along bottom edge of either seat;
Headlamps: lanterns on either side of front seat have square-shaped bevel glass panel on front and right side and small round red glass in back with original silver-colored finish painted over with silver-colored paint;
Wheels: four wheels, wheel circumference 98 inches (back), 94 inches (front), rubber rims stamped “John Bull – North Pole Patent – 8 x f-1 1/4 inch”, with white striping on wooden wheel spokes and rims; and
Misc: front dashboard; leather dash; metal arm rails, side dash rails and foot rails, with oval high footstep on either side of front and lower square one on either side in rear; whip holder on right side of dash; arched cylindrical steel axles with leaf suspension across either axle.[18]
After the death of Peter V. Verigin in 1924, the Democrat was kept in the Community implement shed at Veregin for several years.[19] In 1933, then-Doukhobor leader Peter P. Verigin sold it to Independent Doukhobor Larion E. Konkin (1890-1974) of the Mikado district, who used it for day-to-day driving until 1945.[20]
Peter V. Verigin’s Democrat coach at the WDM storage facility in Saskatoon, SK. Western Development Museum Item No 1973-Y-452.
In 1949, Konkin donated the carriage to the WDM, formed the same year, where it was housed at the Saskatoon branch.[21] It is unclear whether it was put on public display, although it may have been at one time. It was shown at some public events over the years, such as the commemoration of the 70th anniversary of the Doukhobors in Canada, held at Veregin in July 1969.[22] Since 1984, it has been housed at the WDM storage facility in Saskatoon.[23]
The carriage remains in overall good condition.
Gig (Chaise) Cart – Veregin, SK
A third horse-drawn vehicle that survived the demise of the Community in Saskatchewan was a Gig or Chaise-style cart manufactured by the Canada Carriage Company in Brockville. Its description is as follows:
Body: black painted body (no top) with red running gear, wheels and shafts;
Seats: two seats with removable, rectangular, straw-stuffed cushions, upholstered in heavy, black, square-tufted leather with leather-covered buttons, sharing a common back comprised of a high, narrow, leather-covered, rectangular board mounted on two upright metal bars; leather flap along bottom edge of front seat; leather belt strap below rear seat has brass buckle; on either side of seat is an upright, curved, wooden side with metal rails at either end of each;
Headlamps: headlamp on either side of front seat has brass rim, round bevel glass front, rectangular bevel glass side and small, round, red, glass opening in back;
Wheels: two rubber rimmed wheels, with 190-inch circumference, shafts encased in leather on front third of either side;
Misc: front dashboard with metal railing; curved wooden floor board; metal foot rail and whip holder on right side of same; floor area open from dash to back end, the latter is a fold down, hinged end gate that hooks into an angle position to serve as a footboard for rear seat or opening to storage area below seat; high and low foot step on either side of front seat and one step on left side of back; steel axle; leaf spring across back end and side springs on either side.[24]
Peter V. Verigin’s Gig cart at the WDM storage facility in Saskatoon, SK. Western Development Museum Item No. 1973-Y-457.
Little information as to the provenance of the Gig is available, other than it was used by Peter V. Verigin, it likely came from the Veregin district, and that it was donated to the WDM in 1951.[25] Since 1986, it has been housed at the WDM storage facility in Saskatoon.[26]
The cart remains in overall good condition.
Barouche Carriage – Nelson, BC
A surviving Barouche-style carriage that Peter V. Verigin used in Nelson was manufactured by McLaughlin-Buick[27] and intended to be drawn by two horses.
Anton F. Strelaeff (1890-1935), the Community factotum stationed there in the 1910s and 1920s, would meet Verigin at the train station with it when he arrived in Nelson, even though it was only a couple of blocks from the leader’s residence at 509 Falls St. Verigin reportedly always drove.[28]
Anton F. Strelaeff tends to Peter V. Verigin’s new Barouche coach in Nelson, c. 1910s. This picture reportedly shows Anton bringing the carriage home after its arrival via sternwheeler, but looks to have been taken on Nelson Avenue. Paul Strelive private collection.
It is unclear whether this carriage was used after Verigin’s death in 1924, but at some point, it was stored and maintained by the Nelson Transfer Co. Ltd. at 323 Vernon St. [29] Later, it ended up in the basement of the Ellison’s Milling warehouse on Front Street, where manager Joseph Kary discovered it in the 1950s and recognized its significance.[30] This was directly across the street from the former Kootenay-Columbia Preserving Works, operated by the Doukhobors from 1911-15. But it’s not known how the carriage’s provenance was established.
Subsequently the Nelson Diamond Jubilee committee secured the carriage’s loan and Nelson queen Jane Miller rode in it for a parade in July 1957.[31] A few months later the carriage was donated to the city and placed in the museum at 502 Vernon St.[32]
In May 1960, the City of Nelson notified the museum it would be moving city offices onto the main floor of their building, but the museum could use the second floor. That fall, the carriage was dismantled, hoisted through a second-floor window, and reassembled as a centrepiece of a Doukhobor display. At that time, the carriage still had at least one brass lamp that threw off a beam of light when a candle was lit.[33]
The museum relocated to Lake Street a few years later and then to Anderson Street in 1974. While the Barouche remained part of the collection, the museum no longer had room to display or store it, so it was kept at the Nelson fire hall until the fire department required the space for other purposes. In 2006, the carriage was placed in storage at the former museum site on Anderson Street after the museum moved back to 502 Vernon St.[34]
In June 2010, the Nelson Museum offered the carriage to the Doukhobor Discovery Centre in Castlegar where it could receive the visibility and attention it deserved.[35] In 2013, the Doukhobor Discovery Centre received a grant to create a better shelter for the carriage.[36] However, it is seldom on display due to its fragility.
Peter V. Verigin’s Barouche carriage as it appears today at the Doukhobor Discovery Centre at Castlegar, BC. Photo: Greg Nesteroff.
The carriage can be described as follows:
Body: black body, canopy (with a piece torn or missing) and undercarriage;
Seats: black fabric drivers seat with red exterior metal trim; rear enclosed passenger seat upholstered with black leather with leather-covered buttons; upholstery on both seats is severely torn/worn;
Headlamps: two original lamps are missing;
Wheels: four wheels are intact with carriage shaft, axles, tongue, and spokes; and
Misc: driver’s dashboard and carriage steps.
The carriage is in relatively weathered condition.
Phaeton Carriage – Grand Forks, BC
At the Community settlement in Grand Forks, several special carriages were kept for Peter V. Verigin’s use when he visited the area. They were stored in a Community barn at Verigin’s residence known as Sirotskoye, located 3 miles west of the city. There, they were maintained by residence caretaker Sam D. Trofimenkoff (1865-1955) in the Teens and by Trofimenkoff’s step-son Walter A. Rezansoff (1903-1985) in the Twenties.[37]
One such Community-era carriage at Sirotskoye was a Phaeton type manufactured by John Deere Plow Co. Limited in Winnipeg. It can be described as follows:
Body: black painted body with no top;
Seats: raised open driver’s seat and lower rear-facing passenger seat, both upholstered with black leather; removable front seat cushion covers a small storage compartment; double-sided upholstered back cushion between seats; metal arm rails extend around sides of each seat;
Headlamps: gas headlamps on either side with round-shaped bevel glass panel on front and square-shaped bevel glass panel on outward-facing side;
Wheels: four large rubber-rimmed, black wooden-spoked wheels; and
Misc: a fold down, hinged end gate that hooks into an angle position to serve as a foot board for rear seat or opening to storage area below seat; black leather-upholstered driver’s footboard; oval high footstep on either side of front; double eveners to be attached to four horses.[38]
After Verigin’s death in 1924, the carriage remained in storage at Sirotskoye, where it was sometimes used by his successor Peter P. Verigin between 1927 and 1939. It continued to be stored after his grandson, John J. Verigin (1921-2008), took up residency at Sirotskoye in 1950.
Peter V. Verigin’s Phaeton coach (front) as it appears today in the Boundary Museum. It is hitched to a Roadster (behind). Photo: Mathieu Drolet-Duguay.
Many decades later, in 2007, the Verigin family removed the Phaeton from the Sirotskoye barn and had it restored by the newly-incorporated Boundary Woodworkers Guild.[39] The restoration took four to five years to complete.[40] Thereafter, it was placed on loan at the Boundary Museum & Archives in Grand Forks, where it remains on display to the present at the main building in Fruktova.[41]
The carriage remains in overall good condition.
Buggy (Roadster) Carriage – Grand Forks, BC
Another carriage at Sirotskoye was a Buggy or Roadster type (manufacturer unknown). Its description is:
Body: black painted body with foldable black leather canopy with navy blue and golden fabric interior upholstery;
Seats: open driver’s seat with back cushion, rear enclosed passenger’s seat with back cushion; both seats black leather upholstered with leather-covered buttons; removable front seat cushion covers a small storage compartment;
Headlamps: none;
Wheels: four rubber-rimmed, black wooden-spoked wheels; and
Misc: drivers footboard; rear covered storage compartment; oval high footstep on either side of front; double eveners to be attached to four horses.[42]
Interestingly, at some point the Roadster was hitched behind the Phaeton (described above) and the two were drawn together by two teams of horses with a single driver.[43] This was done to allow more passengers to travel together. The carriages were connected by a short pole or tongue, so that when pulling straight ahead there would only be 20 to 24 inches of space between them. This system required wide turns on corners, one carriage at a time.
Peter V. Verigin’s Roadster buggy (back) as it appears today in the Boundary Museum. It is hitched to a Phaeton (front). Photo: Mathieu Drolet-Duguay.
Along with the Phaeton, the Roadster was stored for decades in the Sirotskoye barn until it was removed in 2007, restored by the Boundary Woodworkers Guild and subsequently placed on loan for public exhibition at the Boundary Museum & Archives where it is exhibited today.[44]
It also remains in overall good condition.
Bobsleigh – Grand Forks, BC
Yet another horse-drawn vehicle at Sirotskoye was a Bobsleigh manufactured by Fish Bros. Wagon Co. in Racine, Wisconsin and exported by railcar to British Columbia for resale distribution. It can be described as:
Body: black painted body (no top) with red undercarriage and runners. Yellow, green and red decorative scrolling along sides may have been added post-purchase;
Seats: two seats with black leather-upholster sides and back cushions with leather-covered buttons; open space under seats for storage;
Runners: dual sets of runners; fixed rear runners, front runners swivel about a central pivot, making it less likely to overturn; and
Misc: square footstep on either side of front, rectangular footstep on either side of rear; double eveners to be attached to four horses.[45]
After Peter V. Verigin’s death in 1924, the Bobsleigh continued to be stored at Sirotskoye, where it was sometimes used by his successor Peter P. Verigin between 1927 and 1939. It remains in storage with the Verigin family to the present day, with a restoration planned for the future.
The Bobsleigh is in original condition.
Peter V. Verigin’s Bobsleigh in its original condition at Sirotskoye. Verigin family private collection.
Conclusion
The surviving carriages, carts and sleighs of Peter V. (Lordly) Verigin represent a time gone by in Western Canada; a slower, simpler era when horse-power was essential for transport and travel. They also offer a unique window back in time in Doukhobor history and an opportunity to appreciate the quality and workmanship of the vehicles, their communal purpose, the strength and dependability of the horses that drew them, and the skill and horsemanship of their driver.
After Word
Special thanks to Kaiti Hannah, Curatorial Associate, Western Development Museum; Phillip Perepelkin, Manager, National Doukhobor Heritage Village; Ryan Dutchak, Director, Doukhobor Discovery Centre; Mathieu Drolet-Duguay, Executive Director, Boundary Museum & Archives; Hugo del Aguila, Office Manager, Boundary Museum & Archives; Paul Beatty, Boundary Woodworkers Guild; Barry Verigin, Union of Spiritual Communities of Christ; Carter Hodgins, Canadian Transportation Museum & Heritage Village; John Stallard, Carriage Association of America.
This article also appears on the Kutne Readerblog and has been published in the following newspapers and periodicals:
ISKRA No. 2197, April 2024 (Grand Forks: Union of Spiritual Communities of Christ).
End Notes
[1] See for example: Koozma J. Tarasoff, Plakun Trava (Grand Forks: MIR Publication Society, 1982) at 52-53; Ashleigh Androsoff, “The Trouble with Teamwork: Doukhobor Women’s Plow Pulling in Western Canada, 1899” in Canadian Historical Review, Vol. 100, No. 4, December 2019, at 540-563.
[4]Nelson Daily News, September 30, 1911. Similarly, on July 7, 1955, the Grand Forks Gazette reported that: “Mr. Verigin was also a lover of fine horses, and many residents will remember the stirring figure he made while driving a spirited team along valley roads.”
[5] For example, when Peter V. Verigin’s former residence in Brilliant (then occupied by his great-grandson John J. Verigin) was burned down by Sons of Freedom in April 1950, the conflagration destroyed adjoining buildings including a shed likely containing several carriages belonging to the deceased leader: Vancouver Sun, April 14, 1950.
[6] Fred J. Chernoff, The Brothers Chernoff from Azerbaijan to Canada (Winnipeg: self-published, 1992).
[12]Saskatoon Star-Phoenix, September 18, 1951. Diefenbaker, who was born in 1895, lived near Fort Carlton from 1903-06, near Borden from 1906-10, and in Saskatoon from 1910-16. He may have viewed Peter V. Verigin driving the carriage whilst visiting the Doukhobor settlements in the Borden, Langham and Blaine Lake districts near Saskatoon. Diefenbaker served as a Member of Parliament for Lake Centre from 1940 to 1953, and for Prince Albert from 1953 to 1979; he served as 13th Prime Minister of Canada from 1957 to 1963.
[13] L. M. Ackerman, “From the Cradle to the Combine” in The Beaver, A Magazine of the North (Winnipeg: Hudson’s Bay Company, December 1951) at 40-41.
[14]Saskatoon Star Phoenix, May 5, 1949 and April 6, 1955.
[27] “The History of the Verigin Carriage as known by Touchstones Nelson: Museum of Art and History,” Laura Fortier, as told by Shawn Lamb and Alan Ramsden, 2010
[28] Paul Strelive, interview with Greg Nesteroff, November 4, 2009.
[29] “The History of the Verigin Carriage”, supra, note 27.
[37] Caretakers Sam D. Trofimenkoff, wife Fenya and stepson Walter (Volodmir) A. Rezansoff appear at Sirotskoye in the Canada Censuses of 1911 (Yale District No. 25, Carson Sub-District No. 52, pages 11-12), 1921 (Yale District No. 25, Carson Sub-District No. 52, page 9), and 1931 (Yale District No. 240, Grand Forks Rural Unorganized Sub-District No. 71, page 9). Rezansoff’s involvement with the Sirotskoye carriages is also recalled by Barry Verigin, whose family resides on the property: correspondence with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff, December 3, 2023.
[38] Mathieu Drolet-Duguay, Executive Director, Boundary Museum & Archives, correspondence with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff, November 30, 2023.
[39] Hugo del Aguila, Office Manager, Boundary Museum & Archives, interview with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff, March 7, 2024; Verigin, supra, note 37.
[40] Paul Beatty, Boundary Woodworkers Guild, interview with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff, March 7, 2024.
In January 1909, the first Doukhobor child was born in British Columbia following their arrival in the province eight months earlier. The newborn was named after the settlement they established at the confluence of the Kootenay and Columbia Rivers. This is the story of the brief but inspiring life of Brilliant Fominoff.
With every move of a large group of people there are difficulties. Our Doukhobor leader, Peter Lordly Verigin recognized this. Therefore, prior to the move of our Doukhobor people from Saskatchewan to British Columbia, he chose for the first group, those members of the community who were strongest physically, solid in their Doukhobor beliefs, as well as good overall builders – including machinists, mechanics, blacksmiths, welders, carpenters, millwrights, bricklayers, plasterers, and the like. One of these families was that of John (Ivan) and Helen (Agafia) (nee Zarchikoff) Fominoff with their four sons and one daughter. This Fominoff family was one of the most gifted as machinists and mechanics. They built and managed sawmills for the Doukhobor community.
John and Helen Fominoff had a son, Larion and his wife Aprosya, and to them was born the first Doukhobor baby in British Columbia in the community of Ootischenia [then Brilliant] in January of 1909.
The Ivan S. Fominoff family, 3 years after their arrival in British Columbia, enumerated in Dolina Utesheniya (Brilliant) in the 1911 Canada Census. Brilliant Fominoff, age 2, appears on line 31.
When Peter Lordly Verigin heard that Larion and Aprosya had a son, he was overjoyed and hurried to visit the Fominoff family to bless the newborn. The Fominoff family gladly welcomed Peter Lordly to their home. Peter Lordly was so thrilled with the birth of this first baby in British Columbia that he asked the family’s permission to allow him to name their son, which the Fominoff family joyfully agreed to, since it was quite a privilege for them. Thus Peter Lordly said “I give your son the name Brilliant; it means a clear, precious shining gem.”
Fominoff family in Dolina Utesheniya, circa 1919. Back row (L-R): Mary Fominoff (nee Chigmaroff); Brilliant L. Fominoff; Larry (Larion) J. Fominoff; Cecil (Savely) J. Fominoff; Mary J. Sousoyoff (nee Fominoff); John (Ivan) J. Fominoff; Polly Fominoff (nee Nevokshonoff); William (Wasyl) J. Fominoff; John S. Fominoff. Second row (sitting L-R): Fred L. Fominoff; April Fominoff (nee Plotnikoff); Florence Fominoff (nee Chigmaroff); Florence Sousoyoff – baby; Florence Fominoff (nee Sousoyoff); Polly Fominoff (nee Stooshnoff); Helen (Hanya) Fominoff (nee Zarchikoff). Four children centre front (sitting L-R): John J. Fominoff; Annie F. Chernoff (nee Sousoyoff); Helen F. Malakoff (nee Sousoyoff); Helen J. Chernoff (nee Fominoff).
And so, Brilliant Fominoff grew up in various communities, such as Ootischenia, the community of Skalistoye by Nelson, and a place called Porcupine by Salmo, where his parents worked on different community projects.
The Fominoff family enumerated at the Skalistoye settlement near Nelson in the 1921 Canada Census. Brilliant Fominoff, age 12, appears in line 4. By 1923, the family was restationed to Porcupine Creek near Salmo; by 1925 to Ymir; and by 1928, to Kirpichnoye (Claybrick) near Winlaw.
In his youth, Brilliant became ill with tuberculosis and upon advice from his doctor and the encouragement of Peter Lordly Verigin, he was sent for healing to the USA, to a hospital in Arizona.
At the time he became ill, Brilliant Fominoff was working as a bookkeeping clerk at the CCUB central office in Brilliant. According to this border crossing manifest, he entered the United State in August 1926 at age 18, stopping to visit his cousin Eli Jmaiff in Eugene OR en route to tuberculosis treatments in Phoenix, AZ.
He keenly missed his family, friends, and his home. He composed several songs about his life’s destiny. He was also a great and talented artist. Here is one of the pictures that he drew of Peter Lordly Verigin.
Sketch of Doukhobor leader Peter V. Verigin drawn by Brilliant L. Fominoff while in respite at a tuberculosis sanatorium in Phoenix, Arizona prior to his death.
Brilliant Fominoff passed away in Phoenix, Arizona, USA on October 18, 1927 at 18 years of age and is buried in Ootischenia.
Brilliant L. Fominoff, shortly before his death at age 18.
Afterword
Note that at the time of Brilliant L. Fominoff’s birth, the Fominoff family was living in Dolina Utesheniya (Ootischenia) which was considered part of the wider Brilliant settlement, hence the name he received.
This article was originally published in ISKRA magazine, March 3, 2008.
As we approach the eve of the New Year’s, it is a timely opportunity to examine how this cultural holiday was traditionally celebrated by our 18th and 19th century Doukhobor forebears in Russia.
Ancient Russian Folk Holiday
For centuries in Russia, New Year’s Eve and New Year’s Day (collectively New Year’s or Novy God) has been celebrated as a folk holiday on January 13/14 under the Old (Julian) Calendar.
Many of the traditions and rituals associated with this celebration dated back to pre-Christian, pagan times, and centred around house-to-house visiting by groups of young people, costumed as characters from folk tales, as well as the preparation and sharing of special food and drink.
When Doukhobors openly rejected the Orthodox Church and its teachings in the late 1700s and early 1800s, they discarded many folk holidays and religious feast days as being unnecessary and superfluous. Interestingly, however, they continued to observe Novy God as a holiday, maintaining many ancient South Russian folk customs associated with it. These customs are described below as follows:
House to House Visits
On New Year’s Eve, Doukhobor children would gather together and go from house to house in their village, chanting the following greeting as they went:
Сейим сейим посиваем
Новый год устриваем
А вы наши люди
Чего либо дайте
Хуч у хату позавите
Хуч на двор унасите.
Seeds, seeds we are sowing, We are celebrating the New Year And you, our people, Give me something, Invite us into your home, Or bring it outside.
As they chanted this greeting, they ‘sowed’ seeds around each room in the house, trying hard to throw some onto the bed as this was thought to bring prosperity to the household. The house was not swept until the next morning, so as not to ‘sweep out’ the prosperity. Villagers warmly welcomed these youthful ‘sowers’ into their homes, offering them kalachi (a type of sweet bun), pirohi (baked pies) and other sweets.
Adults got together together to make cheese vareniki (dumplings), the traditional dish for New Year’s festivities. At nightfall, the villages were aglitter as children walked up and down the village street carrying homemade torches they called ‘candles’ or ‘lanterns’ which were in fact long sticks with rags tied to one end dipped into paraffin oil and lit.
Moleniye
Early New Year’s morning, between 2:00 and 3:00 a.m., villagers attended moleniye (prayer meetings) held at their meeting house or one of the village dwellings. There, they would eat bread and drink water, while giving thanks to God for these necessities of human existence. After giving thanks, one villager would state his or her views on the moral life and exhort his brethren to a closer adherence to the teachings of Christ, and then another would do the same.
After the prayer meeting, the villagers would disperse to their own homes, where an extra amount of prayers and psalm-reciting was undertaken.
One particularly noteworthy psalm recited on New Year’s Eve was as follows:
Новый год бежит – во яслях лежит, О, Кто? – Отрока благого нам небо дало. О, чудо! Как время было, – места не было родить чистой девице – Богородице. О, где – В Вифлееме граде, в нищенском доме, спокойном. Идите прямо – укажут вам. О, кто? – Иосиф старенький, Богу миленький, пут вам скажет. Пастушки Его перед Творцом смиряются; ангелы поют, Царя ведают, строят, дары. Воспоем и мы песню новую, Христову, Будешь похвален, ото всех прославлен, с девой со пречистой, с матерью со Чристовой. Кто не внушался, тот человеком остался не вем. Богу нашему слава.
A new year has begun – [a child] is lying in a manger. Oh, who? Heaven has given us a blessed Son. Oh, miracle! When the time came, there was no place for the pure virgin – the Mother of God – to give birth. Oh, where? In the town of Bethlehem, in a poor home, a peaceful one. Go there now – someone will show you. Oh, who? Old Joseph, who is dear to God, will tell you the way. Shepherds humble themselves before the Creator; angels sing, acknowledging the King, bringing gifts. Let us also sing a new song, a song for Christ. And You will be praised and glorified by all, with the purest virgin, the mother of Christ. One who is not filled with awe [by this], remains an ignorant person. Glory to our God. (Translated by Natasha Jmieff).
Festivities & Rituals
Later that day, the young people would masquerade as gypsies, and would go houses to house chanting as they went, and were treated with cakes and vodka. The festivities and socializing would then spill over into the street: villagers in their best holiday dress would stroll about the village, and the children and young people would go sleigh-riding in brightly painted and harnessed horse-drawn sledges.
Young Doukhobor maidens also performed ancient divination rituals (such as taking a pail of water beside their bed, hanging a lock on the door handle, putting a key under their pillow or baking and eating an overly-salty bun) so as to conjure up images and glimpses of their fate, particularly that of their future husbands.
Early Celebration in Canada
Doukhobors continued to observe these traditional New Year’s festivities after their arrival in Canada in 1899, at least initially. The major difference was that after 1894, the followers of Peter Vasil’evich Verigin abandoned meat-eating and vodka-drinking altogether.
Also, in 1903, they moved their observance of New Year’s from January 13/14 under the Old (Julian) Calendar to December 31/January 1 under the New (Grigorian) Calendar.
At a 1908 all-village congress held by the Doukhobor Community in Nadezhda village, Saskatchewan, Peter V. Verigin, in an effort to simplify and modernize Doukhobor ceremony and ritual, set aside the traditional Doukhobor festivities associated with New Year’s. Thereafter, among Community Doukhobors, the holiday was formally shorn of most folk custom and external ceremony.
Traditions Maintained
However, not all traditional New Year’s customs were set aside by Doukhobors.
Among those Doukhobors living independently on the Prairies, the tradition of going outdoors with a lit torch to welcome in the coming year was maintained by at least some families, well into the 1950s and 1960s. Meanwhile, in the Kootenay and Boundary regions of BC, the tradition of ‘sowing seeds’ (Сейим сейим посиваем) existed in some village settlements well into the 1950s and 1960s, and indeed, even into the 1980s. Many families in BC continued to recite the psalm, “A New Year has Begun” (Новый год бежит) to the present day. Finally, many Doukhobor families throughout Canada still cook vareniki on New Year’s.
Bibliographic Sources
Chernoff, Katherine, Calgary, AB. Correspondence with writer re: Kootenay Doukhobor New Year’s customs, December 31, 2023;
Inikova, Svetlana, “Holidays and Rituals of Doukhobors in the Caucasus”;
Ivanits, Linda J. Russian Folk Belief (Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 1989);
Konkin, Evseyevich Konkin to Bonch-Breuvich, Vladimir Dmitr’evich correspondence dated February 12, 1909 in Bonch-Breuvich, Vladimir D., Zhivotnaia kniga dukhobortsev (Winnipeg: Union of Doukhobors of Canada, 1954;
Nelson Daily News, January 15, 1910;
Osachoff, Linda, Canora, SK. Correspondence with writer re: Prairie Doukhobor New Year’s customs, January 5, 2021;
Poogachoff, Polly (Kalmakoff), Kamloops, BC. Correspondence with writer re: Kootenay Doukhobor New Year’s customs, December 31, 2023;
Slastukin, Katie, Grand Forks, BC. Correspondence with writer re: Boundary Doukhobor New Year’s customs, December 31, 2023;
Verigin, Elmer, Castlegar, BC. Correspondence with writer re: Prairie Doukhobor New Year’s customs, January 5, 2021; and
Walton, Lorraine (Saliken), South Slocan, BC. Correspondence with writer re: Kootenay Doukhobor New Year’s customs, December 31, 2023.
Image: Konstantin Aleksandrovich Trutovsky, “Christmas Carols in Little Russia, 1864. Saint Petersburg State Russian Museum collection.
The following article provides a brief history of Voskreseniye, one of 55 communal villages established by the Doukhobors upon their arrival in the Northwest Territories (Saskatchewan) in 1899.
In May 1899, 120 Doukhobor immigrant settlers established a village on a bend of the Assiniboine River, 4 miles south of present-day Kamsack, SK. Sick, weary and destitute after a failed settlement on the Island of Cyprus, all they were able to construct for shelters were 16 sod dugouts.[1]
They named their village Voskreseniye (Воскресение) or Voskresenovka (Воскресеновка), meaning ‘Resurrection’ in Russian – a reference to the Doukhobor belief that Christ is resurrected spiritually in the hearts of his righteous followers.[2]
Initially the villagers possessed little material wealth, having only 50 sacks of flour, 30 bushels of potatoes, 2 horses, 2 oxen, 1 cow and 1 wagon to share between them during their first year.
Postcard (colourized) of Voskreseniye village, postmarked 1908. The village consisted of two rows of ten houses facing each other across a wide central street. The brick meeting house, with a higher-pitched roof than the other structures, is seen midway along the north (right) row of homes. Photo courtesy Prairie Towns.
However, despite severe hardship and deprivation, the settlers persevered, and through the adoption of a communal way of life, pooling all land, livestock, grain and outside earnings, attained agricultural self-sufficiency within a few short years.
In 1902, the village was relocated one mile to the Northwest Quarter of Section 12, Township 29, Range 32, West of the First Meridian, on a level flat beside Dead Horse (Kamsack) Creek, where they constructed twenty 14 by 25-foot mud-plastered log homes with thatched roofs.[3]
By 1905, Voskreseniye had a population of 175 Doukhobors, and the village layout had expanded to include three large 14 by 30-foot communal stables, as well as granaries, a blacksmith shop, bakery, carpenter’s shop and a 22 by 56-foot brick meeting house used to conduct moleniye (prayer meetings) and sobraniya (social gatherings).[4]
By this time, the villagers had acquired 16 horses, 53 cattle and 36 sheep.[5] Using 6 horse-drawn ploughs, they were cultivating 472 acres out of the 58 quarter-sections of land reserved for the village into grain and forage crops.[6] Their cultivated acreage continued to increase in the years that followed, even as their total reserved acreage was significantly reduced by the federal Department of Interior in 1907.
Department of Interior map of Voskreseniye village, August 1, 1907. Colour legend: homesteads reserved for Voskreseniye village coloured orange; homesteads taken by Independent Doukhobors coloured blue; Doukhobor reserved homesteads opened up to general public in 1907 coloured grey; homesteads still untaken coloured yellow.
The surnames of the Voskreseniye Doukhobors were: Cheveldayoff, Dubasoff, Hancheroff, Kazakoff, Kinakin, Konkin, Makasayoff, Medvedoff, Nechvolodoff, Novokshonoff, Parakin, Popoff, Rezansoff, Shekinoff, Stuchnoff, Tikonoff, Varabioff and Wishloff.
The villagers were renowned singers, and according to oral tradition, their acapella singing of Doukhobor hymns was often heard for miles up and down the Assiniboine valley.[7]
Postcard (colourized) of Doukhobor family in front of their log dwelling in the village of Voskreseniye, postmarked 1908. Courtesy Prairie Towns.
The Voskreseniye Doukhobors remained staunch supporters of their leader Peter Vasil’evich Verigin and the communal way of life he espoused. Indeed, despite being a village of moderate wealth, Voskreseniye annually remitted earnings to the central treasury of the Doukhobor Society in excess of those sent by much richer villages. For example, in 1905, the village sent $3,082.85 in earnings to Verigin when the average remittance of 44 villages was $2,568.21.[8]
Between 1908 and 1913, 120 persons relocated from the village to communal settlements in British Columbia (primarily Ootischenia and Glade), leaving a remaining population of 52 persons by the fall of 1913.[9] This rump population remained consistent over the next five years.[10]
Voskreseniye Village Population and Homestead Reserve, 1899-1917
Year
Communalists
Independents
Wanderers
Total
Village Reserve (Acres)
1899
119
–
–
119
–
1905
174
–
–
174
3840
1907
160
–
–
160
2400
1909
127
2
1
130
2400
1910
106
2
–
108
2080
1911
103
9
–
112
2080
1912
103
9
–
112
2080
1913
52
–
–
52
1280
1915
52
–
–
52
1120
1917
52
–
–
52
1118
In 1918, the village and its 1,118-acre homestead reserve was disbanded by the federal Department of Interior and the remaining population either relocated to communal settlements elsewhere, or else settled on adjacent homesteads as Independent Doukhobors.[11] The village structures were dismantled and the logs and lumber were salvaged as building material used on individual homesteads.
By 1920, only the brick meeting house of the village remained, which was used by the Kamsack branch of the Society of Independent Doukhobors for prayer meetings and gatherings over the next three decades.[12] The meeting house continued to stand beside Highway 8, a silent marker to the once-thriving village, until its eventual collapse in a 2019 storm.
Voskreseniye brick meeting house, as it appeared in September 2008. Note the brick veneer was largely removed by this time. Photo copyright Jonathan J. Kalmakoff.
In October 2021, the Kamsack Doukhobor Society received funding through the C.C.U.B. Trust Fund to erect a cairn and steel sign at the village site.[13] Completed in 2023, the 7-foot-high iron sign will have a mounted 24 by 32-inch plaque commemorating the Doukhobors of Voskreseniye village.[14] It will be installed at the village site in the spring of 2024.
Proof of the Voskreseniye village commemorative plaque commissioned in 2023. Plaque text provided by Jonathan J. Kalmakoff. Plaque design by Tannis and Patti Negrave. It will be installed in spring 2024. Courtesy Tannis Negrave.
Proof of seven-foot-high iron sign, commissioned in 2023, to be installed at the Voskreseniye village site in spring 2024. Courtesy Tannis Negrave.
End Notes
[1] Doukhobor village statistics, compiled by William B. Harvey, Quaker, in November 1899. Library and Archives Canada, Immigration Branch Records, Record Group 76, Vol. 184, File 65101, Part 6.
[2] Doukhobors believe that Christ suffered and died on the cross, and that on the third day after his crucifixion, he was resurrected. However, unlike other Christian groups, Doukhobors reject the idea that his resurrection was literal and physical, believing instead that Christ’s resurrection was wholly spiritual: that rose again spiritually in the hearts of righteous people and continues to be resurrected to this day in those who follow his teachings: V. Bonch-Bruevich, Zhivotnaya KnigaDukhobortsev (Winnipeg: Regehr’s Printing, 1954): Psalms 8 (Q/A 11), 14 (Q/A 6), 80, 112, 132, 189, 217, 312, 339, 349, 352, 361, 362, 367, 383 and 410.
[3] Library and Archives Canada, Voskreseniye Village File, Record Group 15, Vol. 1167, File 5412469; C.J. Tracie, “Toil and Peaceful Life, Doukhobor Village Settlement in Saskatchewan, 1899-1918 (Regina: Canadian Plains Research Centre, University of Regina, 1996) at 117.
[7] John Moriarty, interview with Jonathan J. Kalmakoff, September 24, 2005.
[8] “Report of the General Meeting of the Doukhobor Community held in Nadezhda Village, February 15, 1906” in Manitoba Morning Free Press, April 25, 1906.
[9] Library and Archives Canada, Doukhobor Village Reserves Register, Record Group 15, Vol. 0, File 1113.
During World War I, most Doukhobors in Canada opposed military service based on their religious pacifist convictions. However, a small minority – estimated at three percent of all Doukhobors of military age – discarded their religious and philosophical objections to war and, for a variety of personal reasons, entered military service. The following article examines the Doukhobors who enlisted in the Canadian Expeditionary Forces between 1914 and 1918.
Background
Following the outbreak of the First World War, the overwhelming majority of Doukhobors in Canada opposed the conflict based on their religious pacifist convictions and sought exemption from military service obligations by virtue of Order-in-Council P.C. 2747 of December 6, 1898, granted to them by the Dominion of Canada upon their arrival from Russia.[1]
Petitions and delegations sent to Ottawa on behalf of the two main Doukhobor organizations of the time, the Christian Community of Universal Brotherhood (approx. 7,000 members) and the Society of Independent Doukhobors of Canada (approx. 5,000 members), were met with repeated reassurances from government authorities that their exemption status as conscientious objectors would be honoured during the war.[2]
However, despite these efforts at the group level, a number of Doukhobor individuals still participated in the conflict. Of an estimated 2,000 Doukhobor men in Canada of military age at the time,[3] at least 63 Doukhobors[4] (and reputedly as many as 90[5]) voluntarily enlisted in the Canadian Expeditionary Forces between August 1914 and August 1917.
Their reasons for doing so were varied and complex.
Attestation Paper for George Ostoforoff for enlistment in Canadian Expeditionary Force.
Reasons for Enlistment
All of the enlistees, without exception, were Independent Doukhobors. These Doukhobors were more socially integrated than their communal brethren, having accepted naturalization, public education, private ownership and other tenets of Canadian citizenship; this presumably fostered a stronger attachment to, and sympathy towards, their adopted country that enabled some to cast aside their religious and philosophical objections to military service and participate in the war effort.
Some were undoubtedly swept up in the nationwide outpouring of patriotic fervor, reinforced by huge flag-waving crowds, public meetings, advertisements, posters and other campaigns aimed at encouraging voluntary enlistment. Others may have succumbed to the considerable social and peer pressure to enlist that replaced the early enthusiasm.
Still others may have enlisted for economic reasons. Almost half of the Doukhobor enlistees – 27 men in total – belonged to the proletariat of landless farm workers and laborers. Unemployment had been exceptionally high in Western Canada in 1914-1915, and many of these young men may have enlisted out of desperation, since the Canadian Expeditionary Forces paid $1.00 per day to all privates and an additional $0.10 per day for service overseas.
Finally, over a third of the Doukhobor enlistees – 22 men in total – were members of the ‘Small’ or ‘Middle’ parties of Doukhobors who had only recently arrived in Canada in 1909-1914,[6] and whose pacifist convictions were weak or non-existent compared to their brethren – members of the ‘Large’ party of Doukhobors who arrived earlier in 1899.
Interestingly, two Independent Doukhobors – Michael Holoboff of Canora, SK and Demitri Kolesnikoff of Thrums, BC – were forcibly conscripted into the Canadian Expeditionary Force following the enactment of The Military Service Act by the Dominion of Canada on August 28, 1917.[7] For whatever reason, these men were either unable to rely on the exemption from military service granted to their brethren, or government authorities were unwilling to apply it towards them, even though both listed their religion as “Doukhobor” on their attestation forms.
Conscription papers of Demitri Kolesnikoff under the Military Service Act, 1917.
Military Medals
At least two Doukhobors were awarded medals for having distinguished themselves in service. In August 1918, James Holoboff of Canora, SK won the Military Medal for bravery after leading a bombing party in France through cellars and capturing fourteen enemy prisoners in one cellar, which was connected by telephone, and contained maps and a store of bombs and small arms ammunition.[8] Also in August 1918, Kuzma Mahortoff of Swan River, MB was awarded a medal for good conduct during his service in France.[9]
Headline of James Holoboff Military Medal award, Regina Leader Post, August 23, 1919.
Conflicted Soldiers
In all likelihood, some of the Doukhobors who enlisted during the First World War were conflicted with guilt and remorse for having abandoned their pacifist principles. Evidence of this can be found in a number of cases.
At least three Doukhobor enlistees – William Strelioff and Bill Stushnoff of Kamsack, SK and John Holoboff of Langham, SK – misspelled or deliberately distorted their names in their attestation papers (as “Stretoolekoff”, “Sturnoshoff”, and “Boloboff” respectively), presumably to spare themselves and their families embarrassment and unwanted attention.[10] Similarly, Frederick Postnikoff of Blaine Lake enlisted under the alias “Loveroff”, a family nickname.[11]
Others, such as Alex Antifaev of Arran, SK and Peter Gritchin of Kamsack, SK, deserted soon after enlisting, before their units had left for overseas; both men were arrested, sent to clearing depots and subsequently discharged.[12] Similarly, Samuel Karaloff of Blaine Lake, SK was charged with being “illegally absent” from his training unit, tried by a court of inquiry and discharged.[13]
Three Doukhobor enlistees were court-martialed while serving overseas: John Zmaeff of Swan River, MB for “disobeying lawful orders from a superior officer” and “acting to the prejudice of good order and military discipline” in 1917;[14] Fred Sherstabetaff of Blaine Lake, SK for “leading and taking part in a mutiny or refusing to report soldiers planning to mutiny” and “striking or threatening a superior officer” in 1919;[15] and John Nevacshonoff of Thrums, BC for being “absent without leave” in 1918.[16]
Perhaps most curiously, two Doukhobor enlistees – John Holokoff of Veregin, SK and William Strelioff of Kamsack, SK – appear to have convinced military officials, while serving overseas, that they were actually Austrian nationals and were summarily discharged as “Alien Enemies” on that basis.[17]
Casualties
If enlistment in the Canadian Expeditionary Forces took an emotional toll on some Doukhobor enlistees, it claimed a physical one as well.
Casualty form for Pt. Kuzma Diakoff, Canadian Expeditionary Force, 1916.
Eight Doukhobor men were discharged as “medically unfit” after being injured, falling ill or suffering shell shock while serving. These included: Fred Isavoloff of Buchanan, SK; Coozma Diakoff, Samuel Kolesnikov and Mike Konkin of Kamsack, SK; Alex Lakten and Nick Yachenkoff of Veregin, SK; Simeon Postnekoff of Blaine Lake, SK; and Alex Antifaev of Arran, SK, the latter having succumbed to his wounds soon after discharge.[18]
Finally, there was at least two Doukhobors killed in action. Walter Storgeoff of Kamsack, SK died in 1917 at age 21 of injuries sustained while serving in the 46th Battalion (Saskatchewan Regiment) of the Canadian Infantry; he is buried at Villers Station Cemetery northwest of Villers-au-Bois, France. William Gleboff of Kamsack, SK died in 1918 at age 22 of wounds suffered while serving in the 8th Battalion (Manitoba Regiment) of the Canadian Infantry; he is buried at Ligny-Saint-Flochel British cemetery west of Arras, France.
Headline of Walter Storgeoff, first Doukhobor killed in Action. Grand Forks Gazette, April 19, 1917.
The Soldiers
The following list identifies the surname, name, address, date of birth, enlistment date and regiment number of 63 Doukhobors who enlisted in the Canadian Expeditionary Forces during the First World War.
Surname
Name
Address
Birth Date
Enlistment Date
Regiment
Antifaev
Alex
Arran, SK
1873
10/01/16
888036
Astoforoff
John
–
–
–
888082
Barabanoff
Anton
Petrofka, SK
06/1889
10/05/16
887957
Bedinoff
Fred
Kamsack, SK
04/1892
22/02/16
888055
Bolanoff
Sam
–
–
–
3348466
Boloboff aka Holoboff
John
Langham, SK
–
–
–
Danshin
George
Canora, SK
25/03/1886
04/03/16
267269
Degarvoosoff
Nick
–
–
–
888038
Derhousoff
Nick
Canora, SK
14/12/1897
18/03/16
888094
Diakoff
Coozma
Kamsack, SK
01/01/1877
27/12/15
888030
Dootoff
Mike
Veregin, SK
25/03/1897
10/04/16
267756
Gloeboff
William
Kamsack, SK
10/03/1896
16/07/17
2147550
Gaulieff
Phillip
Petrofka, SK
12/11/1881
28/04/16
294322
Gretchin
Peter
Kamsack, SK
1898
17/02/16
888056
Gritchin
Peter
Kamsack, SK
1898
17/02/16
888056
Holoboff
James
Canora, SK
01/11/1895
17/12/15
887366
Holoboff
Michael F.
Canora, SK
08/12/1895
18/05/18
260990
Holodilin
Fred
–
–
–
888032
Holokoff
John
Veregin, SK
10/01/1898
13/03/16
888078
Horkoff
Steven
Devils Lake, SK
05/08/1891
02/08/15
104286
Isavoloff
Fred
Buchanan, SK
24/05/1890
13/03/16
267371
Katilnikoff
William J.
–
–
–
268722
Karaloff
John
Edmonton, AB
26/05/1893
26/02/16
904284
Karaloff
Samuel S.
Blaine Lake, SK
18/05/1897
25/05/16
1018444
Kazakoff
Nick
Kamsack, SK
24/04/1888
11/01/16
888039
Kolesnikoff
Demitri
Thrums, BC
1881
11/11/17
4100943
Kolesnikov
John
Kamsack, SK
1886
13/03/16
888079
Kolesnikov
Samuel
Kamsack, SK
22/01/1885
13/03/16
888080
Konkin
Mike
Kamsack, SK
1898
18/11/16
913763
Konkin
Peter
Petrofka, SK
22/06/1884
10/06/16
913536
Lakten
Alex
Veregin, SK
1891
21/02/16
888059
Loveroffaka Postnikoff
Frederick N.
Toronto, ON
08/06/1895
11/06/14
349786
Mahortoff
Kusma
Benito, MA
02/04/1880
08/01/16
1000344
Maloff
John
Kamsack, SK
1888
27/03/16
888523
Markin
Andrew
Kamsack, SK
10/11/1896
27/03/16
888088
Markin
William
Winnipeg, MB
08/06/1896
07/12/16
1072141
Namonchen
John
Langham, SK
1893
15/06/16
255863
Nevacshonoff
John
Thrums, BC
06/01/1895
24/06/16
1018518
Ostoforoff
George
Buchanan, SK
12/07/1885
18/09/18
3091494
Popoff
Bill
Kamsack, SK
20/01/1897
23/05/16
888090
Popoff
Fred
Kamsack, SK
1893
18/12/16
888019
Posnikoff
James
Arran, SK
1894
11/12/15
887358
Posnikoff
James
Arran, SK
1894
04/11/16
1084059
Posnikoff
William
Canora, SK
30/09/1896
21/11/16
1084247
Postnekoff
Simeon
Blaine Lake, SK
19/02/1871
01/06/16
1018450
Postnikoff
John
–
–
–
1288989
Potatoff
Mike
Whitebeech, SK
1888
31/05/16
922526
Reiben
Larion
Benito, MB
1893
18/12/15
888020
Reibin
Nicoli
Benito, MBA
01/06/1891
29/12/15
888033
Sherstabetaff
Fred
Blaine Lake, SK
01/05/1895
02/07/16
1018617
Storshoff
Henry
Kamsack, SK
1896
18/02/16
888062
Storshoff
Walter
Kamsack, SK
1896
10/01/16
888048
Strelioff
Peter
Canora, SK
31/05/1900
10/02/16
887433
Stretoolekoff aka Strelieff
William
Kamsack, SK
1898
23/03/16
888089
Sturnoshoff aka Stushnoff
Bill
Kamsack, SK
05/1898
01/06/16
888526
Velasoff
George
–
–
–
888093
Voikin
Nick
Petrofka, SK
14/12/1898
25/03/16
886517
Voikin
Nicoli
Arran, SK
09/11/1894
21/01/16
888046
Wlosove
George
Kamsack, SK
01/04/1894
18/03/16
888093
Wlosove
George N.
Runnymede, SK
21/02/1898
16/05/16
888520
Yachenkoff
Nick
Veregin, SK
04/09/1897
09/03/16
267332
Yaretza aka Yuritsin
Nicoli
Arran, SK
10/03/1886
09/02/16
888063
Zmaeff
John
Swan River, MB
07/02/1896
07/02/16
1000659
After Word
The information contained in this article was previously incorporated by permission in Greg Nesteroff, “Doukhobors and WWI”published in Castlegar News, December 4, 2014.
End Notes
[1] Order-in-Council No. 1898-2747, Exempting from military service the Doukhobors, settling permanently in Canada, upon production of certificate of membership – Min. Interior [Minister of the Interior] 1898/11/30, Library and Archives Canada Item No. 165476.
[2] Koozma J. Tarasoff, Plakun Trava (Grand Forks: MIR Publication Society, 1982) at 127, 177-178.
[3] This rough, conservative estimate presumes a Doukhobor population in Canada in 1914 of 12,000; of whom half were male; and of the males, at least one-third (2,000) of whom were of military (18-45) age.
[5] On March 3, 1916, the Ottawa Journal reported that “Ninety Doukhobors of the Yorkton district have enlisted in the Eastern Saskatchewan regiment. These Doukhobors came to this country from Russia to escape, among other things, military service. They state that this is a war for liberty, and they feel it is their duty to assist in the battle for it.” The article was republished in a number of newspapers, including: Kingston Whig Standard, March 6, 1916; Nelson Daily News, March 10, 1916; Grand Forks Gazette, March 18, 1916; Shellbrook Chronicle, April 15, 1916; The Windsor Star, April 24, 1917. However, this number has not been verified.
[6] Steve Lapshinoff & Jonathan Kalmakoff, Doukhobor Ship Passenger Lists, 1898-1928 (Crescent Valley: self-published, 2001).
[7]Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF),Library and Archives Canada, RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box Nos. 4466 – 28 and 5246 – 40.
[8]Regina Leader Post, August 23 and 30, 1919; Saskatoon Daily Star, August 26, 1919; Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF),Library and Archives Canada, RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box No. 4466 – 27.
[9]Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF),Library and Archives Canada, RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box No. Box 5843 – 29.
[10]Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF),Library and Archives Canada, RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box Nos. 9382 – 7 and 9404 – 48; Saskatoon Daily Star, December 3, 1918.
[11]Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF),Library and Archives Canada, RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box No. 5761 – 15.
[12]Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF),Library and Archives Canada, RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box Nos. 198 – 6, 3819 – 43 and 3852 – 17.
[13]Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF),Library and Archives Canada, RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box No. 5002 – 27.
[14]Courts Martial of First World War, Library and Archives Canada, RG150 – Ministry of the Overseas Military Forces of Canada, Series 8, File 649-Z-139, Microfilm Reel Number T-8690.
[15]Courts Martial of First World War, Library and Archives Canada, RG150 – Ministry of the Overseas Military Forces of Canada, Series 8, File 240-S-48, Microfilm Reel Number T-8691.
[16]Courts Martial of First World War, Library and Archives Canada, RG150 – Ministry of the Overseas Military Forces of Canada, Series 8, File 649-M-53107, Microfilm Reel Number T-8681.
[17]Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF),Library and Archives Canada, RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box Nos. 4466 – 36 and 9382 – 7.
In 1913, the prominent Cannery Building was constructed in downtown Grand Forks. Yet despite its name and original purpose, it only served as a canning facility for 6 of its 62 years of existence. It also variously housed a sharpshooter’s range, farmers market, creamery, potato dehydrator plant, fruit packing house, apple butter factory, seed warehouse and retail department store. This article examines one of the largest commercial buildings in Grand Forks history, its various proprietors, and its untimely destruction.
Background
In the early 1910s, produce-growing assumed an increasingly significant role in the economy of Grand Forks, which until then, was primarily mining, smelting and ranching-based. Not only were large acreages of fruit trees coming into bearing, but growers were producing ever-greater surpluses of small fruit, berries and vegetables. This brought calls for the establishment of a local cannery to process Kettle Valley produce unsuitable for shipping to distant markets in fresh form.[1] Although a succession of non-local firms expressed an interest in developing one, nothing materialized from their proposals.[2] It thus fell on local capital to advance the Grand Forks canning industry.
Grand Forks Canning Company Limited, 1912-1914
To this end, in November 1912, a business syndicate led by accountant D.A. McKinnon formed the Grand Forks Canning Company Ltd to build a modern fruit and vegetable cannery.[3] Capitalized at $50,000.00, it issued a prospectus to sell $20,000.00 in shares to cover land and construction costs.
In September 1913, an expert processor, J.H. Wilson, was hired to operate the prospective plant.[4] By October, sufficient capital was raised to procure a site and arrange for the construction of the plant building. Seven lots were purchased on Main St (72nd Ave) between Second and Third St (3 and 4 St) adjacent to the CPR main line.[5] Contractor A.E. McDougall was hired to construct the building.[6]
The Grand Forks Canning Co. ‘Cannery Building’ shortly after its construction in 1913. Boundary Museum and Archives, 1987_040_001_02.
Completed in December at a cost of $14,000.00, the impressive new Cannery Building was lauded as “the most modern structure erected in the Interior for the purpose” and “one of the largest commercial buildings in Grand Forks”.[7] It was 125 by 50 feet, 2 stories high with basement, built of brick and ruble stone with concrete floors.[8] It had a square façade with stepped sides. A rail spur from the south side to the main CPR line was built January, 1914.[9]
In the meantime, the company secured fruit supply contracts with local growers[10] and arranged for the sale of its entire production output.[11] It also obtained a ‘bonus’ from the City of Grand Forks in the form of a 10-year property tax exemption plus water and light at cost, approved by plebiscite in January 1914.[12]
Yet despite this all, troubles were afoot for the local enterprise. Construction overruns and undersubscribed/unpaid shares left it without sufficient capital to procure plant equipment, deferring installation from March to May to June, 1914.[13] In June, it was voluntarily wound up and liquidated.[14]
Fruit advertisement for the Grand Forks Canning Co. Ltd. Grand Forks Gazette, December 20, 1913.
Grand Forks Canning Association, 1914-1924
In September 1914, the principals of the Grand Forks Canning Company Limited launched a new entity, the Grand Forks Canning Association, capitalized at $50,000.00.[15] Having the same objective as the old company and having inherited all of its share capital and property, including the Cannery Building, it was incorporated under The Agricultural Associations Act, 1914, which entitled it to government funding.
By March 1915, the association received a $10,000.00 loan from the province for the installation of a cannery plant in the building and its operation.[16] It came with certain conditions: it was repayable with interest over a 20-year period; 20 percent of the association’s subscribed shares had to be fully-paid; and the association had to install and operate the equipment by the 1916 fruit season prior to the release of all funds.[17]
The Association, however, immediately faced the same issues as its predecessor; namely a shortfall in subscribed/paid-up shares. While it endeavored to raise additional capital, it leased out the Cannery Building to a variety of firms and groups described below.
Announcement of Grand Forks Fruitgrowers Association meeting in Canning Building, Grand Forks Gazette, July 4, 1914.
Shooting & Drilling Range, 1914
From April through December, 1914, the Grand Forks Sharpshooters, a local militia company, held parades and drills at the Cannery Building.[xviii] Following the outbreak of the Great War in July 1914, there was discussion about the building being requisitioned as a recruiting barracks, but it did not come to pass.[xix]
City Market, 1914-1915
From December 1914 until March 1915, the City Market was held in the Cannery Building, returning to its outdoor venue on Second Street (3 Street) for the summer months.[xx] Each week, local ranchers sold wagonloads of fruit and vegetables, meat, dairy, and baked goods directly to city residents there.
Creamery, 1915-1924
In January 1915, part of the Cannery Building main floor was let to Curlew Creamery Co. of Curlew, WA, operating as the Grand Forks Creamery Co.[xxi] A large ice storage was erected adjoining the building and plant equipment installed in March.[xxii] Initially, the firm produced and sold over 3,000 lbs. of butter and large quantities of ice-cream weekly.[xxiii]
Grand Forks Gazette headline announcing installation of creamery in Cannery Building, January 16, 1915.
By April 1917, an uptake in local dairy supply enabled it to double butter production capacity and commence pasteurizing cream and milk.[xxiv] After operating 8 years, it sold out in November 1923 to J.E. Keatly and Associates of Nelson, which continued business in the building as the Kettle Valley Creamery Co.[xxv]
Potato Dehydrator Plant, 1915-1916
In November 1915, the balance of the Cannery Building was briefly leased to Graham & Co. of Bellevue, ON to run a potato dehydrator plant to fill wartime contracts.[xxvi] By December, the company contracted a local supply of 2,000 tons of potatoes and installed a 4-unit plant with a 700-bushel per day capacity.[xxvii] Over the next 4 months, it processed and shipped 250 tons of dehydrated product.[xxviii] Despite intentions to run a second season, a decline in local potato supply resulted in the plant closure in August 1916.[xxix]
Grand Forks Gazette headline announcing erection of potato evaporating plant at Cannery Building, November 20, 1915.
Fruit Packing House, 1919-1921
The Cannery Building remained largely vacant from August 1916 to June 1919, leading G.A. Evans, editor of the Grand Forks Sun, to dub it a ‘white elephant’. In the meantime, the viability of the Grand Forks Canning Association continued to deteriorate. First, it defaulted on its loan, having failed to install and operate a cannery by 1916.[xxx] Second, it struggled to repay the loan from the nominal rents received.[xxxi] Third, as the building was not used for its intended purpose, the City rescinded its bonus in April 1917, subjecting it to taxes and regular light and power rates.[xxxii] By July 1917, the City threatened to sell the building for taxes, but was persuaded not to; in May 1919, it forgave half the taxes owed on the property.[xxxiii]
Insurance map showing Cannery Building occupied by Curlew Creamery Co. BC Fire Underwriters Association, September 1922.
In June 1919, the Association let the balance of the Cannery Building to the Kelowna-based Occidental Fruit Co., with an option to purchase the property.[xxxiv] Occidental intended to install plant equipment in the building to operate a fruit cannery the following season and received a bonus from the City for water and light at cost in this regard. However, following the devastating loss of its Carson packing plant and fruit to fire, it used the Cannery Building for packing for the remaining season, then ceased operations in Grand Forks.[xxxv]
The following year, Staples Fruit Co. of Creston bought up the local fruit crop and leased the balance of the Cannery Building as a packing house for the 1920 season.[xxxvi]
In July 1921, the Grand Forks Cooperative Growers’ Exchange leased the balance of the Cannery Building as a fruit packing house until construction of its own new packing plant was completed in September.[xxxvii] Meanwhile, the City agreed to a further grant on taxes owed against the building.[xxxviii]
Apple Butter Plant, 1923
By 1922, renewed calls for a local cannery were raised by the Department of Agriculture, Grand Forks Farmers’ Institute, Board of Trade and others.[xxxix] At the same time, G.A. Evans of the Grand Forks Sun called it a ‘fiasco’ that Grand Forks had a Cannery Building without a cannery – a huge building which sat vacant and unused, despite the financial outlay for canning equipment being comparatively small. Nevertheless, the Grand Forks Canning Association remained unable to raise the necessary capital on its own.
Advertisement for Fruit Products Co. at the Cannery Building. Grand Forks Gazette, January 26, 1923.
In January 1923, the Association let the balance of the Cannery Building to Fruit Products Co., a local venture headed by Board of Trade secretary J.D. Campbell, which installed an apple butter and cider plant.[xl] Following a successful first season, the firm expanded operations to include the production of plum jam. This technically marked the first canning operations in the building’s decade-long history.
Ministry of Agriculture, 1924-1940
After 10 fruitless years, the Grand Forks Canning Association failed to install canning equipment in the Cannery Building and remained unable to maintain principal and interest payments on its government loan. Finally, in September 1924, the Ministry of Agriculture appointed a receiver under The Agricultural Associations Act, 1914 to take possession of the property, title to which was quit-claimed by the Association to the Ministry.[xli]
The Cannery Building, circa 1926. While the north (left) section of the main floor was occupied by the Kettle Valley Creamery, the remainder had stood vacant for several years. Note the windows are boarded up on the second floor and several windows are broken on the vacant south (right) side. Photo courtesy Greg Nesteroff.
Thereafter, the Ministry continued to let the building to tenants. Despite only producing apple butter in 1923 and 1924, Fruit Products Co. continued to lease space until September 1927.[xlii] The creamery occupied the rest: in March 1926, Kettle Valley Creamery Co. was purchased by Calgary, AB-based P. Burns Co. Ltd. and operated as Grand Forks Creamery until it ceased operations in September 1933.[xliii] Burns kept a lease on the vacant building until February 1940; allegedly to restrict competition from others.[xliv]
Eventually, in November 1939, in order to stimulate agricultural production in the Grand Forks district for the war effort, the Ministry of Agriculture issued a tender for the purchase of the Cannery Building to be operated as a cannery for fruit, vegetable and other agricultural products.[xlv] In February 1940, a successful tender of $2,500.00 was received for the property from Elwood L. Cross and Robert R. Broder.[xlvi]
Government notice of tender for sale of Cannery Building, Grand Forks Gazette, November 16, 1939.
Grand Forks Canners Limited, 1940-1952
Both men had years of experience in the canning industry: Cross as supervisor for Western Packing Corp. Ltd. in Kelowna, and Broder as principal of Broder Canning Co. of Taber, AB. When both independently considered coming to Grand Forks to set up a tomato cannery, they agreed to cooperate by jointly incorporating the Grand Forks Canners Ltd in June 1940, capitalized at $50,000.00.[xlvii]
The firm launched its Grand Forks operation by securing contracts from local growers to supply some 400 acres of tomatoes, supplying them with plants from Cross’ Kelowna hotbeds and providing expert advice on commercial tomato growing.[xlviii] It also obtained special City taxation and electricity and water rates.[xlix]
In June, 1940 the 27-year old Cannery Building was significantly expanded to equip it with a canning plant. A 125 by 50 foot concrete and metal addition was erected on the east side by contractors Charles W. Clark and J.B. McDonald at a cost of $30,000.[l] The addition housed the plant machinery, including 40-ton steam boiler, 3 steam cookers, weigh scale and various equipment for sorting, washing and peeling tomatoes. The original building was used largely for storage and office space. An adjacent 120 by 30 foot hothouse was erected to house a million tomato seedlings for spring distribution to growers.[li] A new rail siding was laid by the CPR on the south side, and 2 east adjacent lots were purchased for additional storage.[lii]
Grand Forks Gazette headline detailing Grand Forks Canners Ltd. expansion of Cannery Building, June 13, 1940.
The resulting Grand Forks Canners Ltd. cannery had a capacity of 250 cases per hour of canned tomatoes, catchup and tomato juice. Its first season proved a success, with some 100,000 cases (70-80 railcars) of product manufactured and shipped.[liii] However, a tomato crop failure in 1941 followed by inadequate tomato acreage planted in 1942 resulted in significant losses for the company, which ceased operations in fall 1942.[liv] Thereafter, the Cannery Building and plant sat idle for a year and a half.
Kettle Valley Packers Limited, 1944-1947
In March 1944, E.C. Miller of Ladner, BC incorporated the Kettle Valley Packers Ltd. for the purpose of taking over the Cannery Building and plant owned by Grand Forks Canners Ltd. via lease with purchase option.[lv] It installed additional fruit canning equipment alongside the existing tomato canning equipment in the building.
By May 1944, contracts were entered into for the local supply of 100 acres of tomatoes.[lvi] This was supplemented by peaches, pears and apricots shipped in from the Okanagan as well as locally-grown prunes.[lvii] During its initial season, the plant processed and shipped some 60,000 cases of tomatoes and 60,000 cases of fruit and employed 175 people.[lviii]
In early 1945, E.C. Miller publicly advised that the cannery would require local contracts for at least 300 acres of corn and beans in order to operate that season; failing which the plant would be dismantled and the machinery sent to the Okanagan.[lix] Only half the required acreage was contracted; however, the plant managed to run a second season, shipping in Okanagan fruit to supplement local produce.[lx]
The Kettle Valley Packers Ltd. did not operate its cannery during the 1946 canning season due to inadequate acreages of local produce planted.[lxi] The following year, in May 1947, it dismantled the canning machinery and sent it to Lethbridge, thus ending the canning business in Grand Forks.[lxii] After multiple failed attempts to operate a cannery, no other company would consider coming in.
Cannery Building showing 1940 concrete and metal addition, c. 1947. Boundary Museum and Archives No. 1997_052_052.
Van der Giessen Bros. Seed Growers, 1947-1950
Despite its failure as a canning plant, the Cannery Building did not remain vacant long. In March 1947, Nic Van der Giessen and family arrived in Grand Forks to open a branch of Van der Giessen Brothers Seed Company of Utrecht, Holland. The family had previously visited most seed growing areas of the continent and was so impressed by Grand Forks that the company decided to make it its headquarters for its Canadian subsidiary, Van der Giessen Brothers Ltd.[lxiii]
To this end, in July 1947, Van der Giessen Brothers Ltd. leased the Cannery Building for use as a seed warehouse from which it distributed its famous Dutch Bulbs, imported from Holland, through catalogue sales to Boundary and Okanagan residents.[lxiv] It was also used to store seeds grown in British Columbia for post-war export to Holland and other European countries.[lxv]
Insurance map showing Cannery Building occupied by Van der Giessen Seed Growers. BC Fire Underwriters Association, September 1948.
The seed warehouse operated in Grand Forks for 4 years, after which the Van der Giessen family relocated its business to Kamloops in August 1950.[lxvi]
Sunshine Valley Co-operative Society, 1952-1975
In June 1947, members of the Union of Spiritual Communities of Christ (‘USCC’) chartered a consumer co-operative in Grand Forks as the Sunshine Valley Co-Operative Society.[lxvii] In October, it opened its first retail store in the Burns Block, opposite the Gazette building on First St (2 St).[lxviii] Initially it offered flour, feed and groceries, but by 1950-51 entered the hardware, dry goods and oil retail sales fields.[lxix] In keeping with Doukhobor religious tenets, the Co-op did not sell meat, alcohol, tobacco, ammunition or fishing tackle.[lxx]
In April 1952, the Co-op purchased the 39-year old Cannery Building from Robert Broder as a branch of its First St location.[lxxi] Extensive alterations were made to it, whereafter the feed, flour, hardware and furniture departments were moved into the main floor and greatly expanded.[lxxii] The ground around the building was filled and raised to road level. In May 1952, the Co-op opened a service station on the north side with two gasoline pumps as agent for the British America Oil Co. Ltd.[lxxiii]
Cannery Building occupied by Sunshine Valley Co-operative Society, 1966. Boundary Museum and Archives No. 1991_034_003_15.
In March 1953, the second floor of the Cannery Building was remodeled to house the USCC Central Organizational Office, which included the offices of the Executive Committee, the Union of Youth, the print office of the publication ISKRA along with the USCC central library.[lxxiv] The main office of the Grand Forks & District Credit Union was also briefly relocated there from May 1954 to June 1955.[lxxv]
By October 1954, the Co-op further renovated the Cannery Building, relocating its grocery department there from the old store.[lxxvi] Thereafter, the hardware department occupied one-third and the grocery the other two-thirds of the main floor. Other improvements included a free parking lot, lunch counter, and faster service at the gas pumps and grocery counters, making the store one of the most modern in the Interior.[lxxvii]
With the new expanded location and greater volume of business at the Cannery Building, annual sales of the Sunshine Valley Co-Operative Society skyrocketed from $33,000.00 in 1948 to half a million dollars in 1954.[lxxviii]
Insurance map showing Cannery Building occupied by Sunshine Valley Co-op. BC Fire Underwriters Association, June 1959.
In September 1958, the Co-op leased the Zak Bros. garage diagonally across the street from the Cannery Building as a full-service garage offering automotive repairs.[lxxix] Then, following further renovation of the second floor of the Cannery Building, some 2,500 square feet of floor space was made available, resulting in the dry goods department moving there from the old store in October 1959.[lxxx]
With the consolidation of the Co-op in the Cannery Building, plans for expansion were put in motion. In December 1962, a new supermarket and dry goods single-storey wing was built on the north side, adding 10,000 square feet of space.[lxxxi] Renovations to the hardware and furniture departments yielded 7,000 square feet of space on the Cannery Building main floor, with the second floor devoted to office space.[lxxxii] Contractor for the $100,000.00 project was Walter Wlasoff, the consulting engineer, E.M. Bauder of Joseph B. Ward & Associates and the architect, R.B. Howard of Vancouver.[lxxxiii]
Sunshine Valley Co-op with original Canning Building (right) and 1962 supermarket expansion (left). Boundary Museum and Archives No. 2017_002_023.
The 1962 expansion saw the last major modification to the Cannery Building, which now had 16,000 square feet of sales area housing the dry goods, hardware, furniture, grocery and bulk oil departments, and another 12,000 square feet of rear warehouse.[lxxxiv] Over the next 13 years, it continued to be home to one of the largest co-operatives in BC, with annual sales surpassing a million dollars.[lxxxv]
Destruction of the Cannery Building, 1975
The Cannery Building might well have remained in use for decades longer had it not been for the events of 1975. In December of that year, the building housing the Co-op’s hardware and feed operations – as well as USCC offices and library – was consumed in a fire of mysterious origin.[lxxxvi] The loss of the structure was valued at $400,000.00, while the library filled with old Russian books and paintings was valued at more than a million dollars.[lxxxvii] The supermarket wing on the north side was saved from the conflagration. It was later determined that the fire was deliberately set by members of the Sons of Freedom.[lxxxviii]
Firemen fighting blaze at Cannery Building, December 14, 1975. Boundary Museum and Archives No. 2006_039_072.
The Cannery Building was never rebuilt, thus ending 62 years of nearly continuous operation. In its absence, the Sunshine Valley Co-operative Society was forced to substantially curtail its operations to its one remaining building – the supermarket wing. The Co-op then went into a decade-long period of decline, ending with its foreclosure in 1986.[lxxxix] The supermarket was subsequently purchased by the Grand Forks Home Hardware, whose parking lot today occupies the site of the Cannery Building.
After Word
Special thanks to Sue Adrain, Boundary Community Archives for her generous assistance in locating and sharing fire insurance maps and other information.
This article was originally published as a two-part series in the Grand Forks Gazette, October 4 and 11, 2023.
End Notes
[1] That the Grand Forks district had ideal conditions for the successful operation of a cannery was the opinion expressed by provincial horticulturalists at the time: Grand Forks Gazette, May 11, 1912, July 26, 1913. A sufficient variety of produce suitable for canning were already grown in the district to keep a cannery running throughout the season. A cannery offered a ready market and quick cash returns for local produce unable to be shipped fresh to distant points without spoilage, given the speed and conditions of rail transport. It would also save on shipping costs for the many railcar loads of produce already shipped out of the district for canning purposes. And besides offering significant employment opportunities, it would spur the cultivation of hundreds of acres of additional land in the district which lay fallow.
[2] Non-local firms that expressed an interest in establishing a cannery at Grand Forks in the 1910s included: the St. Catherines, ON firm Dominion Canneries Co. (Grand Forks Sun, April 11, June 27, 1913, August 21, 1915.); Grand Forks Produce Association (Grand Forks Gazette, June 28, 1913); Calgary-based Canadian Pacific Railway Industrial Department (Grand Forks Gazette, July 26, 1913; Grand Forks Sun, July 25, 1913); the Kelowna, BC firm Western Cannery Company Ltd (Grand Forks Gazette, August 2, 1913; Grand Forks Sun, August 1, 1913); and the Orser Canning Co. of Colbourne, ON (Grand Forks Gazette, January 15 & 29, 1916; Grand Forks Sun, January 14, 1916).
[3] The original objects of incorporation were considerably broader than canning, and included the “purchase, production, raising, preserving, curing, drying, smoking, evaporating, pressing, packing, pickling, manufacturing and preparation for sale of all kinds of fruit, vegetables, nuts and farm, garden and orchard products, dairy products, meat and animal products and fish products”: British Columbia Gazette, December 5, 1912 at 11376-11377. See also: Grand Forks Gazette, August 10, September 21, October 5, October 26, November 16, December 14, 1912, March 15 & 22, April 5 & 12, August 9, September 6 & 20, October 4, 1913; Grand Forks Sun, December 20, 1912, March 14, 1913, April 11, June 27, 1913.
[4] In September 1913, J.H. Wilson of Indianapolis, IN was hired for this purpose: Grand Forks Gazette, September 6 and 20, November 29, December 13 and 20, 1913, February 7, April 4, May 30, 1914; Grand Forks Sun, December 12 and 19, 1913.
[5]Grand Forks Gazette, October 18 and 25, November 1, 8 & 22, 1913.
[6]Grand Forks Gazette, October 25, November 1 and 8, 1913.
[7]Grand Forks Sun, December 12, 1913; Grand Forks Gazette, April 10, 1952.
[8]Grand Forks Sun, December 19, 1913; Grand Forks Gazette, October 18 and 25, 1913. There is evidence would suggest the bricks used to construct the building were sourced from the Doukhobor Society brick factory west of the city, as the contractor A.E. McDougall used Doukhobor brick to construct a number of other Grand Forks structures in the same period.
[10]Grand Forks Gazette, September 20, November 29, December 13, 1913, March 7 and 14, April 25, May 9, 1914; Grand Forks Sun, December 12, 1913.
[11]Grand Forks Gazette, August 9, November 22 and 29, 1913, April 25, 1914.
[12] The Grand Forks Canning Company Limited initially asked for a bonus in the form of $3,000.00, being the cost of the site. The City of Grand Forks responded by drafting a bylaw granting the company a 10-year tax exemption and provision of water and light at cost; the bylaw was submitted to ratepayers as a plebiscite in January 15, where it received majority approval: Grand Forks Gazette, November 29 and December 13 and 27, 1913, January 3, 10, 17 and31, 1914.
[13]Grand Forks Gazette, February 7 and March 14, April 25, May 9 and 16, 1914; Grand Forks Sun, December 12, 1913, January 16 and 30, May 15 and 29, July 3, 1914.
[14]British Columbia Gazette, July 16, 1914 at 4192; Grand Forks Gazette, June 27, July 4, 1914.
[15]British Columbia Gazette, September 10, 1914 at 5397; Grand Forks Gazette, July 4, August 1 and September 5, 1914.
[16] British Columbia Executive Council, Order-in-Council No. 690/1915 dated June 29, 1915; British Columbia Executive Council, Order-in-Council No. 36/1916 dated January 17, 1916; Grand Forks Gazette, December 19, 1914,January 20 and March 20, 1915, ; Grand Forks Sun, March 12, 1915.
[17]Grand Forks Gazette, June 21, 1913, January 8, February 5, 1916. $8,000.00 of the $10,000.00 was immediately released to the Grand Forks Canning Association; an additional $1,000.00 would be released upon installation of the plant and operation of the plant, respectively.
[18]Grand Forks Gazette, April 18 and 25, May 30, June 20, July 18 and 25, and August 1, 8 and 29, 1914; Grand Forks Sun, April 17, August 14, September 4, 1914.
[19]Grand Forks Gazette, December 12, 1914; Grand Forks Sun, December 18, 1914.
[20]Grand Forks Gazette, December 12 and 26, 1914, February 13 and March 13, 1915; Grand Forks Sun, December 11, 1914, January 1, 8, 15 and 22, February 5, 12, 19 and 26, March 5, 12 and 19, 1915.
[21]Grand Forks Gazette, January 9 and 16, 1915; Grand Forks Sun, January 22, 1915.
[22]Grand Forks Gazette, February 6, March 27, 1915.
[23]Grand Forks Gazette, April 10, 1915, July 27, 1915.
[24]Grand Forks Gazette, March 20 and May 19, 1917.
[25]Grand Forks Gazette, August 31, November 2, 23, 30, 1923; Grand Forks Sun, December 14 and 21, 1923.
[26]Grand Forks Gazette, November 6, 13, 20, 1915; Grand Forks Sun, November 26, 1915.
[27]Grand Forks Gazette, November 27, December 11 and 25, 1915; Grand Forks Sun, November 26, December 3, 10 & 17, 1915.
[28]Grand Forks Gazette, February 5, 26, March 4, 11, 18 and April 1, 15, 22, 1916; Grand Forks Sun, November 26, December 3, 10, 17, 1915 and March 31, 1916.
[29]Grand Forks Gazette, August 12 & 19, 1916; Grand Forks Sun, August 18, 1916.
[32]Grand Forks Gazette, April 14, 1917, July 27, 1917.
[33]Grand Forks Gazette, July 27, 1917, May 2 and 16, 1919.
[34]Grand Forks Gazette, May 30, June 13, 20, 27 1919,
[35] Occidental’s departure from Grand Forks operationswas precipitated by the destruction of their second fruit packing house at Carson due to fire, with fruit and property losses of $10,000.00: Grand Forks Gazette, October 31, 1919.
[36]Grand Forks Gazette, August 6 and 27, September 24 and 27, 1920.
[37]Grand Forks Gazette, July 29, August 5 and 12, September 2, 1921; Grand Forks Sun, July 29, September 2, 1921.
[38]Grand Forks Gazette, July 21, 1921; Grand Forks Sun, May 18, 1923.
[39]Grand Forks Gazette, January 20, March 10, 17, 22 and 24, May 19, October 20, 1922. Pundits for a local fruit and vegetable cannery emphasized the need for coordinated growers’ support and the growing of substantially larger acreages of small fruit to facilitate the industry. At the same time, G.A. Evans, editor of the Grand Forks Sun, railed against the Cannery Building as a ‘fiasco’, arguing that had local promotors used an old building for a cannery and taken their money and put it into equipment and operating expenses, they would have a dividend-paying cannery instead of having their money tied up in a vacant building: Grand Forks Sun, April 22, 1921.
[40]Grand Forks Gazette, January 5, 12, 19 and 27, February 2, March 23, June 8 & 22, September 28, October 5, 1923; Grand Forks Sun, January 19, 1923.
[41] British Columbia Executive Council, Order-in-Council No. 189/1940 dated February 17, 1940. The amount of the $8,000.00 loan owed by the Grand Forks Canning Association in September 1924 was $7,727.63, indicating that virtually nothing had been paid against the principal. The Association was subsequently dissolved in July 1928: British Columbia Gazette, July 26, 1928 at 2804.
[42]Grand Forks Gazette, October 5, 1923; Grand Forks Sun, September 16, 1927; Wrigley’s British Columbia Directory, 1923-1928. Although Fruit Products Company of Grand Forks appears in the 1928 civic directory, the listings were prepared in late 1927 and there is no record of corporate activity after September 1927.
[43]Grand Forks Gazette, January 15, February 19, March 5, 1926, September 1, 1933; Wrigley’s British Columbia Directory, 1925-1932. Note the Grand Forks Creamery continued to market butter and ice cream under its predecessor’s ‘K.V. Brand’.
[44]Grand Forks Gazette, February 20, 1936; February 29, 1940.
[45] British Columbia Executive Council, Order-in-Council No. 189/1940 dated February 17, 1940; Grand Forks Gazette, November 16, 1939.
[54]Grand Forks Gazette, March 12 and 19, April 23, 1942. Grand Forks Canners Limited was eventually struck off the corporate register and dissolved in April 1952: British Columbia Gazette, April 10, 1952 at 1075.
[55]British Columbia Gazette, March 9, 1944 at 410; Grand Forks Gazette, March 2, April 20, 1944.
[62]Ibid. Kettle Valley Packers Limited was subsequently struck from the corporate registry and dissolved in May 1951: British Columbia Gazette, May 10, 1951 at 1446.
[66]Grand Forks Gazette, July 20, August 31, September 28, 1950.
[67] The organization and development of producer and consumer co-operatives among members of the USCC in BC was initiated at a USCC convention held in Grand Forks on May 26, 1946: Grand Forks Gazette, June 4, 1953, March 21, 1963; ISKRA No. 1937 (U.S.C.C., February 26, 2003 at 7). Initially, membership in the Sunshine Valley Co-operative Society was limited to Doukhobors belonging to the U.S.C.C. but within five years was expanded to the general public after the co-operative enterprise became better established. Regarding the Sunshine Valley Co-operative Society charter, see: British Columbia Gazette, June 26, 1947 at 1963; Grand Forks Gazette, August 14, 1947; Peter P. Podovinikoff, “Doukhobor Credit Unions and Co-operatives 1940s-1990s,” in K. J. Tarasoff (ed.), Spirit-Wrestlers’ Voices: Honouring Doukhobors on the Centenary of their Migration to Canada in 1899. (Toronto: Legas, 1998) at 157.
[68] Erected at First Street in October 1911, the Burns Block housed various businesses, beginning with the P. Burns & Co. meat market, followed by J.M. McLean’s bakery in March 1939, John Onion’s store in May 1941 and Albert Talarico’s Grand Forks Meat Market in May 1947. The Sunshine Valley Co-operative Society purchased the block from Talarico in August 1947 for the sum of $6,000.00. The place was renovated enough to start a little grocery store with $485.00 work of stock, opening in October 1947. On New Year’s Eve, 1947-48, the Burns Block was destroyed by fire with a $14,000.00 loss due to arson by Sons of Freedom. In March 1948, the Co-op rebuilt its store on the same premises; however, the City of Grand Forks refused to reissue a trade license for almost a year until ordered to do so by the courts. The rebuilt store was finally licensed and re-opened in March 1949. In October 1959, the Co-op ceased operations in the building, and in February 1961, sold it to Mark Soon, who thereafter operated it as the Honey Confectionary & Restaurant.
[69] The Sunshine Valley Co-operativefirst advertised clothing and dry goods in the Grand Forks Gazette on February 9, 1950; and furniture and British American Oil Company Ltd. products on October 11, 1951. As the B.A. bulk sales agency, it supplied all B.A. service stations in the Boundary with petroleum products as well as fuel oil to householders.
[70]British Columbia Gazette, May 19, 1966 at 1137.
[71]Grand Forks Gazette, April 10, 1952, March 21, 1963; British Columbia Executive Council, Order-in-Council No. 1890/1954 dated August 20, 1954.
[73]Grand Forks Gazette, May 15, 1952, March 21, 1963.
[74]Grand Forks Gazette, March 21, 1963; ISKRA No. 1937 (Brilliant: USCC, February 26, 2003).
[75]Grand Forks Gazette, April 10, May 1 and 13, 1954, February 17, June 23, 1955, March 21, 1963.
[76]Grand Forks Gazette, August 12, October 7, 1954, March 21, 1963. The relocation of the grocery department to the Cannery Building was made following the realization that the floor space at the original First St. location was insufficient to allow desired expansion. Following the move, only the dry goods department was left at the original store.
[78]Grand Forks Gazette, August 12, 1954, March 21, 1963.
[79]Grand Forks Gazette, September 18, 1958, March 21, 1963.
[80]Grand Forks Gazette, October 1, 1959, March 21, 1963.
[81]Grand Forks Gazette, April 5, May 31, 1962, July 26, December 13, 1962. Note the grand opening of the new Sunshine Valley Co-op supermarket was held on March 21, 1963.
